The Black Rod

The origin of the Usher of the Black Rod goes back to early fourteenth century England . Today, with no royal duties to perform, the Usher knocks on the doors of the House of Commons with the Black Rod at the start of Parliament to summon the members. The rod is a symbol for the authority of debate in the upper house. We of The Black Rod have adopted the symbol to knock some sense and the right questions into the heads of Legislators, pundits, and other opinion makers.

Name: The Black Rod
Location: Winnipeg, Manitoba, Canada

We are citizen journalists in Winnipeg. When not breaking exclusive stories, we analyze news coverage by the mainstream media and highlight bias, ignorance, incompetence, flawed logic, missed angles and, where warranted, good work. We serve as the only overall news monitors in the province of Manitoba. We do the same with politicians (who require even more monitoring.) EMAIL: black_rod_usher@yahoo.com

Sunday, February 07, 2010

Who do you believe? Them or your lying eyes?

The pictures don't lie, wrote Winnipeg Sun editorialist Paul Rutherford.

No, for that we depend on "professional" reporters, Winnipeg Sun columnists and editorial writers.

The mainstream media has been all a-twitter over a surveillance video which shows the arrest of a drunk car thief. The description of what's on the video has grown wilder by the day, culminating in Tom Brodbeck's grotesque declaration that he sees an unrestrained flurry of kicks and punchs on a handcuffed prisoner.

"I've watched the video over and over again…" says Brodbeck. Try it with your eyes open next time.

Watch the video for yourself. The entire surveillance video is available on the Winnipeg Free Press website. The Sun has an abridged version.

Then find someone with dial-up Internet connection. That way the video plays in frame-by-frame slow motion. Watch it again.

Here's what you will see:

The complete video runs 3 minutes 26 seconds. The arrest takes less than 45 seconds. The police use of physical force occurs twice, six seconds the first time and less than four seconds the second time.

The video begins with a shot of an empty compound of a business on Notre Dame. Headlights flash across the lot. At the bottom right, car thief Cody Bousquet appears, on foot. He stops and looks to his right. A police car pulls up at the top right of the frame and the driver's door opens, but you can't see who gets out.

Bousquet stands listening to the unseen driver of the cruiser car. He's wearing a three-quarter length parka and holding something black in his left hand. He turns his back to the policeman and starts to kneel, still clutching the object in his hand.

The policeman outside the cruiser car rushes over to Bousquet and shoves him to the ground with his left hand; he's holding a gun in his right. Bousquet sprawls on his stomach, then turns his upper body to his left, facing the officer (Officer A). The other policeman in the car (Officer B) rushes over, drops behind Bousque on his knees, and tries to control him.

Two other policeman walk into frame and stand nearby, watching the arrest and taking no part. Suddenly a third policeman (Officer C) runs into frame from the right. He circles around Bousquet's head, crouches momentarily to look at something, then leaps in to grab…what? . You can't see what because Bousquet's is blocked from the camera by Officer A's body.

Officer C, who we now know is Constable Ryan Law, then drops to his knees and struggles with Bousquet who won't give up whatever he's holding. Officer A stands and watches as Officers B and C try to control Bousquet. Ten seconds have passed.

Another policeman arrives, Officer D. He, too, kneels beside Bousquet. A is still at Bousquet's back, D is facing him, and C is to D's left over Bousquet's upper body.

Three other policemen are standing nearby, observing the struggle.

15 seconds in, you can see Bousquet pulling Officer C's coat. Otherwise all you see is the bodies of the three policemen over top of him.

Officer C throws an elbow strike, followed by three punches. Officer D lands three knees to Bousquet's body. Look carefully, as the second knee is launched you can see Officer B pull something from his belt, presumably the Taser.

There's a further pile-on and. A fourth policeman (Officer E) has been watching the scuffling quartet. He circles around to the top of the frame then crouches down, looking closely at Bousquet.

Officer C throws another 3 punches, and Officer B another two knees.

Bousquet is face down and his left knee bends up, perhaps indicating this is when he's shocked by the Taser. Bousquet is wearing a parka, making the use of a Taser problematic but Constable Law, in his written statement about the incident, said the officer with the Taser used it against Bousquet's right buttock, presumably under the parka.

Officer E lunges into the huddle to grab something. Bousquet lies limp, showing the effect of the Taser.

All the policemen except Officer D stand up. Officer D searches him. He tosses what appears to be a cell phone into the snow behind him. Constable Law who was bareheaded, PUTS ON A TOUQUE.

Is that what Bousquet had in his hand or was holding onto so strongly?

Another cruiser car pulls up as Officer D ministers to Bousquet. D lifts Bousquet to his feet. His hands are handcuffed behind his back. He is led to the top cruiser and the police at the scene drift off to their respective police cars.

CBC reported:
"Bousquet is quickly surrounded by police, some kneeing him while he is lying down and being handcuffed. Much of the video shows four officers pinning him down, while some punch and knee him further."

Absolutely false. CBC wants you to believe Bousquet was being pinned down by some police officers while others wantonly punched and kicked him. The video show exactly the opposite. The police struggled with him, used force as they were trained and in a restrained manner, and when they finally had him under control, handcuffed him. Up to eight policemen were around Bousquet in the 45 seconds it took to subdue the drunk and belligerent car thief, but never more than 3 were wrestling with him at any given moment.

Tom Brodbeck of the Winnipeg Sun wrote:

"Still, there appears to be no reason whatsoever for cops to start punching and kicking the suspect even if he was resisting arrest."
-Snip-
"Judging by this video, there appeared to be no reason whatsoever to administer the kind of beating cops did in this case.This was police rage, plain and simple, and it had nothing to do with good policing or law and order."

Absolutely false. What "kind of beating"? The arresting officers didn't launch themselves at Bousquet, punching and kicking at will. The police used a minimum amount of force to get the suspect under control and under arrest. There was no "beating." Had Bousquet stopped struggling with police in the first 15 seconds, there would have been no punches and no knee strikes. It was only after two-count 'em---two Taser jolts that Bousquet stopped resisting police.

The Winnipeg Free Press quoted Crown attorney Mick Makar on why he went soft on a car thief who tried to ram police in a cruiser car. Makar dropped charges of car theft and assault with a weapon and accepted a plea bargain to charges of assaulting a police officer and dangerous driving to ensure that Bousquet got the lowest sentence possible.

"Crown attorney Mick Makar said Bousquet would have been looking at a penitentiary sentence, were it not for the damning evidence of the security video. Makar appeared to blame the officers' actions on adrenaline.

"The whole incident is only a matter of minutes," Makar said. "So you can imagine everyone's hearts were racing at the time."


If anybody's heart was racing, it was Bousquet's. Here he is, an experienced car thief, having the time of his life trying to maim or kill police by ramming their cars, then driving like a maniac while endangering other drivers and pedestrians until he's finally cornered. What a rush.

Brodbeck decided to use his vast experience of sitting at a computer keyboard to give police advice on how to arrest a resisting criminal.

"Use-of-force experts tell us all the time cops are trained to use their intermediary weapons when necessary to force compliance on suspects. They're not supposed to wrestle dangerous suspects to the ground because that puts officers at undue risk of injury, even death in rare circumstances.

Instead, police are supposed to shout commands at the suspect, in this case ordering him to the ground face-down with hands behind his back.
If he doesn't comply, an intermediary weapon like a Taser should be deployed until he does comply. Once the suspect is safely on the ground with hands behind his back, cops can handcuff him and make the arrest."

He forgot to mention what those same use-of-force experts say about using a Taser on a criminal wearing a parka in Winnipeg. Otherwise, it's obvious the Winnipeg police went by the book in making the arrest.

There are three lessons to be learned from the Bousquet arrest.

One. It demonstrates how dangerous the streets are for police night after night. Car thieves like Bousquet think nothing of trying to maim or kill police by ramming their stolen vehicles into cruiser cars. While making an arrest, police have always to expect that the suspect is armed, at the very least with a screwdriver.

Two. The police can expect to be sold out by the Crown attorneys every time. Makar chose to drop charges that were totally unrelated to the video --- the theft of the truck and the use of the truck to try and hit a police car. There is no reason he can give for failing his duty to the public by refusing to prosecute a car thief to the fullest extent of the law.

Three. Justice is supposed to be blind, not judges. Judge Ray Wyant said he didn't see "any evidence of overt resistance." According to the press, he said there was no excuse for the degree of force seen on the video.
"There are some people who would look at that video and say 'What's the big deal, he got what he deserved?' No amount of excessive force would ever be condoned by this court, no matter what the circumstances."

Wyant has never had to physically arrest anyone in his entire life. He's the kind of lawyer who gets a hernia carrying his lawbooks up the stairs. What does he know about "excessive force"? Have years of watching TV cop shows given him the experience to judge the reality of police life on the streets of Winnipeg? Were two punches acceptable, but four excessive?

The police used as much force as was necessary to get control of Bousquet's hands. Once he stopped struggling, they released him and stepped away. There is no sign at all to anyone but Ray "Mister McGoo" Wyant that they were punching and kicking him indiscriminately.

Wyant said he didn't see "overt resistance." Why the semantics? He obviously saw "resistance." The video is totally consistent with the police account of a suspect who refused to give up his hands to be handcuffed.

Wyant obviously saw that Bousquet had something in his left hand when he went down. The police had every right to suspect that was a weapon of some sort which had to be neutralized quickly.

If Wyant failed to spot the object, he needs to apologize to the police immediately.


Two years ago Wyant sentenced police officer Derek Harvey-Zenk to house arrest on a charge of dangerous driving. At the time he stood up to those who demanded he send Zenk to prison. He told the court:

"They want their pound of flesh. They want to hear the clanking of the cell door.

But let me make it absolutely clear, Mr. Zenk, those factors are not something this court or any court can entertain in deciding a fit and appropriate sentence. To do so would corrupt the very foundations of our justice system and plunge our system into chaos. So it does not matter what we think happened, what we must do is only sentence or decide cases on the evidence before us.

If we were to substitute our opinions or the opinions of others for proof and evidence, we would surely undermine fundamentally our system of justice. For to replace our feelings or opinions for facts would mean that any citizen could be the subject of arbitrary justice, of decisions based, not on evidence and proof, but on innuendo and personal biases.

What happened to that Ray Wyant?

It seems he got the message. If he wants to advance his career, he had better start listening to the mob.

Hold this torch and pass the noose, Ray.

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Sunday, January 31, 2010

Molehunt goes bad. Very bad.


For a brief shining moment the anti-Harper protesters in Winnipeg believed they had found the smoking gun that would bring down the government.

They were giddy. CBC National was calling them for the goods. They had an eyewitness, names, even photos--- or so they believed.

And then, pfft.

It was over. There was a stampede for the exit. The only thing left was a bad smell. It was almost as if they realized they had been suckered by a Liberal plant.

It all began last Saturday when barely 300 protesters turned up for an anti-prorogation rally at the University of Winnipeg. The organizers had expected a thousand or more but they put on a happy face and declared they were pleased by the eventual turnout.

Winnipeg organizer Chris Burnett congratulated the troops for a job well done. John Johnston ("...is a fan of Michael Ignatieff") posted his photos of the rally after he "personally edited out...the people holding up the "Vote Green" signs. I wanted to keep our memories as those of a non-partisan group."

But there was one photo making the rounds on the Internet that neither Chris or John could edit away, although they dearly wanted to.

Credited to 'Maurice from Winnipeg', it was a snap of two people standing next to one another at the rally and holding handmade posters which would go on to define the protestors in the minds of many.
http://74.125.93.132/search?q=cache:_AnuQUZ-WmIJ:www.smalldeadanimals.com/archives/013193.html+harper+%3D+hitler+photo+rally&cd=8&hl=en&ct=clnk&gl=us&ie=UTF-8

One sign reads Harper = Hitler and is self-explanatory. The other says Coaition (sic) Government Now, demonstrating a shocking example of bad spelling from a group presumed to be top-heavy with university students.

The protest circle cringed at the mockery coming their way when--- praise the deity of your choice, gender and colour---along came a knight in shining armour to save the day.

Dan wrote on January 23, 2010 at 3:39pm
Hey guys, I attented the rally in Winnipeg today. Very impressive. Great organization. But one thing really got to me.
I was enjoying the speeches today, and I noticed someone I know to be a big Tory supporter and a member of the University of Manitoba Campus Consevatives observing the event, and taking pictures. I figured he was trying to get pictures of radical signs and what not to malign the protestors, but that didn't bother me much. It's his right to be there and observe.
Anyways, I got back to watching the speeches and noticed that this Tory had climbed the fire escape of the University of Winnipeg building to get a better view, and I noticed he motioned at people beyond where I was to come forward or come into view. So I turned around and saw some people wearing masks, coming forward, and one of them was carrying a sign that said, I kid you not, in big letters, "Harper = Hitler."
I thought no, there's no way, this Tory guy would go to these lengths to get these people to come to the rally to make the people there look bad, and radical. I couldn't tell for sure that he had motioned at these specific people. So I went back to watching the speeches and what not. But as the speeches were winding down I turned around again, and what do I see? I see the Tory guy getting together with the masked people. He took the Hitler sign and walked away with the phony radicals!
I was pretty angry to see that garbage. So I chased him down and called him out about it. It is disgusting to see such a horrific historical character as Adolf Hitler used in this surreptitious and disgusting way. I imagine the victims of Hitler's genocidal actions in Poland, Germany, Hungary, Ukraine, and elsewhere would be appalled.
Those of us at the rally oppose Stephen Harper's latest maneuvers but the overwhelming majority of us would never make such an obscene comparison.

I know a lot of Tories. Many of whom are some of the nicest people I know. It's too bad their reputation will be marred by this event.
Shame.

Aha, then. Blame those dastardly Tories. Chris' crowd was off the hook.

Other protestors added their keen observations.

Guy wrote on January 23, 2010
I also saw this happen as the ones with the Harper = Hitler sign were standing behind us at the start of the rally and slowly moved around to get into tv camera images. May I suggest that you write letters into the editors of both the Wpg Sun and the Free press with this story. I for one and my wife will back you on this because we did see it happen.

Greg wrote on January 23, 2010
Those two girls were right in front of me. I saw the cameras pointing at them and I positioned myself behind the sign (so I wasn't in the picture). I didn't want any association with them. I had no idea they were frauds, but now it makes sense.

Sandy wrote on January 23, 2010
Thanks, Dan, for letting us know that the people who had that sign were aligned with the Tory guy and just trying to make us look bad. I was going to say what Gus has just advised: write letters to the Editor, so people will know these were Tory supporters intentionally trying to discredit the rally.

Erin wrote on January 23, 2010 at 7:44pm
Glad you chased them down and called them out!! I gave them a piece of my mind - how dare they!!!!!! Then I also saw the "protesters" and their accomplice (the guy in the blue parka) who was up the stairs taking the pics leave together - what a show.
Just goes to show what kind of people the Conservatives recruit - I am disgusted with their behavior. Should have known - they covered their faces - cowards.

It didn't take long for the CBC to come snooping around.

Jason wrote on January 25, 2010 at 8:55am
Hi,
I'm a producer with CBC television in Ottawa.
I'm wondering if anyone has pictures (or better, video) of the people with the hitler signs and the person taking photos of them (I was reading your post Shannon - don't know if your friend found them) and could email them to me.
jason.ho@cbc.ca
thanks,
jason
Sandy Rubinfeld wrote
I got this in my e-mail today:
Joanne sent you a message.
--------------------
Subject: Anti - Proroguing Rally
Hi,
I am a journalist at the CBC.
I am looking into the alleged Hitler sign at the anti-proroguing rally in Winnipeg. Do you have any pictures of it?
Please call me at 788-3742.
Sandy Rubinfeld Her full name is Joanne Levasseur. I didn't take any photos. John, do you have any of these? Can I send her to those two far-right fanatic sites, where the original photos are posted?

The protesters were ecstatic.

Peter wrote on January 25, 2010 at 9:18am
Oooh! Looks like this might be getting some traction. Excellent work Jason.

But Chris Burnett may have sensed something amiss.

Chris wrote on January 25, 2010 at 9:44am
As much as I appreciate the effort being put forward by the CBC would you please vet any information with me at CAPPWinnipeg@gmail.com before submitting it to the press. This could turn into a very difficult situation.

Chris wrote on January 25, 2010 at 10:55am
My only concern is that we don't make accusations without proof. I'd hate to have to be in court one day on a libel case.

Chris wrote on January 25, 2010 at 1:07pm
Alexei I can assure you I have received several emails that in the wrong hands could easily be considered libel against the individuals and not all of the emails were sent just to me. All I'm asking is we be very careful in what we are saying.
It wasn't long before the sentiment changed.

Dan had disappeared. Despite requests for him to go public with the names of the alleged plotters, he came up with none. Everyone was scouring photos for the plants, but not a single photo was produced.

John wrote
To be completely honest, what we have is very circumstantial evidence based on our conjecture of what took place. Having said that, I still believe the evidence is compelling enough to take some kind of action.
At the very least, we should compile the evidence and hand it over to the University newspaper and let them investigate.
Alexei wrote on January 27, 2010
I agree with you John. The evidence is non-existent, apart from very powerful, unproveable suspicions. But the group achieved something by bringing the issue to someone's attention, even if it was just members of the group and more importantly, the cbc and other media. Media manipulation requires some form of counter media rebuttal and that was accomplished to some degree. At least something better than if the fakers went unnoticed.
I was hoping it would inspire someone to give real evidence to our group, but it seems, this time, it didn't happen. Although your photos are great, John, and I thank you for them--at least we have something about it on record. It may be useful next time they do this--and you bet they will if there's any other protest critical of Harper.
Maybe the best lesson learned here is that any public protest should have someone present recording the activities of suspicious people. Had we had a video or targeted photos, this story had the potential to be a national story. The interest of cbc, which I hadn't expected, proves that.
It would be satisfying to form a group that directly tackles the larger problem here, which is media manipulation by the tories--an underrated issue which goes beyond this particular protest and needs attention.
Unfortunately, I cannot think of how to develop impetus for such a group.

Brody wrote
Okay, I have read every post in this discussion. So far we don't really have any evidence. Are we absolutely sure that this "conservative man" was indeed with these women? If so: where is the proof?
I am a big fan of calling the Conservatives out for the shit they try to pull. But I am not a fan of doing it without proof or probable cause.

Shannon wrote
I have no report that indicates there are any pictures that identify or connect this individual to the poster carrying young women at the Rally this past Saurday.
I don't agree with what was done but I do feel that we give more credence to the stupidity if we continue to acknowledge it. I suggest we apply the "distancing rule" .This is a concluded issue for me.

In less than a week, it was over.

The anti-Harper protesters didn't need any proof. They "knew" the Tories were guilty of media manipulation. They just "knew" it was true.

Except....what if the real manipulation came from the Blue side of the street.

Chris and his pals are so biased they never considered the obvious alternative --- Dan was the plant
.

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Friday, January 29, 2010

Free Press junk journalism touts poll as boost for anybody-but-Katz crowd


If there's a way to cheapen journalism any further, the Winnipeg Free Press will find it.

Case in point: Friday's story by "reporter" Mia Rabson titled 'Polling data suggest Katz is vulnerable.'

Everyone knows that reporting on polls is the lowest, laziest form of journalism. But this was beneath even that pathetic standard.

Mia Rabson went into full shill mode. Her "story" (with files from Bartley Kives) is about the opinion of unidentified sources about the alleged results of an unreleased poll conducted by an unknown person, group or party.

"None of the sources would release the poll results, but all said they showed (Mayor Sam) Katz' re-election is far from a sure thing" wrote Rabson as if this was a legitimate story.

The polling was done by Viewpoints Research, which is co-owned by Gary Doer's wife, Ginny Devine. So you can pretty much guess it was done for someone affiliated with the NDP.

"The Winnipeg Free Press has learned," wrote Rabson coyly, that Viewpoints tested Katz against three possible contenders for mayor.

Why play coy? The FP could have learned about the poll the same way we did, by reading about it on the Internet.

http://forum.skyscraperpage.com/showthread.php?t=176674&page=7

On the "2010 civic election wpg" thread on Skyscraperpage.com a commenter named DowntownWpg had details of the poll early Wednesday morning.

"I've heard that Viewpoints Research (primarily owned by Gary Doer's wife) is currently conducting a survey on behalf of the left-leaning/NDP potential candidates. They are seeking attitudes of the general public, who would be either somewhat or very likely to vote in the next civic election, on how likely they would be to vote for the following:

- Dan Vandel (sic)
- Judy Wasylycia-leis
- Russ Wyatt
- Lillian Thomas
- Sam Katz
- David Angus (probably just threw that name in there within the survey to provide at least one other centre-right name so the survey doesn't seem as slanted).

DowntownWpg went on to give examples of the questions asked in this alleged survey, except that the process has all the makings of a push poll, an underhanded campaigning technique in which respondents are tricked into believing they are participating in a legitimate poll when the objective is actually to influence the views of the respondents and not measure them.

DowntownWpg:
"Respondents are then asked a battery of about 15 questions on their level of agreement with a bunch of statements... almost all apparently regarding Sam Katz. Specifically, this is to determine the best talking points to use in a campaign against Sammy. ... some of the statements are (do you agree/disagree somewhat/strongly that):
- "Sam is more interested in helping his business friends than he is for the average citizen of Winnipeg."
- "I am concerned about conflict-of-interests Sam has with his position as Mayor and his private businesses."
- "While Sam often talks about being 'tough on crime,' yet he has not done enough to make our city safer."
- "Sam is either freezing or cutting taxes for sheer political interests, when our city's infrastructure is falling apart."
- "Sam lacks a vision for Winnipeg's future."
- "I am concerned about the response time of our emergency first responders."
- and some other typical stuff about potholes/roads, garbage & recycling collection, etc."


We guess they're saving "Should Sam Katz stop beating his dog?" for later.

Reporting on a push poll as a true measure of opinion is garbage journalism. It's also something we've come to expect from the Free Press which has apparently forgotten how to do real reporting.

Take the Judy Wasylycia-Leis-as-mayor trial balloon as an example. Nowhere have you read that Judy Alphabet (as she's known in media circles) HAS NEVER HAD A REAL JOB IN HER LIFE.

That's right, the person the NDP is touting as a legitimate alternative to Sam Katz is a lifelong party apparatchik who has never worked for a living.

After getting a masters degree in political science she "worked" as a policy planning consultant for the NDP and as executive assistant to party leader Ed Broadbent. She moved to Manitoba and worked in the same capacity for Premier Howard Pawley. Then in 1986 she was elected as an MLA where she held the cabinet post of Minister of Culture (whoopdedoo) with responsibility for the Status of Women, losing that responsibility about 18 months later. She sat as an MLA until 1993 when she ran as federal NDP candidate in Winnipeg North---and lost. So she, ahem, "worked" for Cho!ces, a self-described "coalition of leftist independent community activists." In 1997 she ran for Parliament again and won this time.

While sitting as an NDP MP, she took great pride, as did her party colleagues, at keeping deterrence and denunciation out of the Youth Justice Act. NDP Justice critic Joe Comartin bragged about it at the time and still holds the same position, speaking for his party, which includes Judy Wasylyscia-Leis.

When Manitoba Justice Minister Gord MacIntosh made his annual trips to Ottawa begging for changes to the laws to make it easier to prosecute juvenile criminals, Judy was silent.

When Manitoba Premier Gary Doer took his tougher-on-crime roadshow to Ottawa in 2007, with Opposition leader Hugh McFadyen and Winnipeg Mayor Sam Katz as his handmaidens, Judy was silent.

Whenever Winnipeg and Manitoba politicians begged MP's to toughen the laws on car theft and juvenile criminality, Judy toed the federal NDP line and dismissed the pleas. Now she wants to pretend she cares about Winnipeg issues?

Mia Rabson wrote that one of her sources on the phony poll said "in a head-to-head race with Katz, Wasylycia-Leis was "competitive"."

We're betting Katz hasn't lost a second's sleep over Judy Alphabet's shadow candidacy.

Hey Judy---GET A JOB.

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Thursday, January 28, 2010

Who will apologize to Marty Minuk?


Hush.

Do you hear it?

There it is again.

It's unmistakeable. The sound of dead silence.

No screams of outrage. No chanting mob. No sneering headlines. No contemptuous lectures. Dead silence.

If there's nothing to hear, there's lots to see. See, for instance, the difference between a real court of law and the mock courts the NDP uses for its show trials, notably the persecution of Derek Harvey-Zenk.

"A speeding motorist who had alcohol in his system when he struck and killed a 12-year-old boy walking down a darkened Manitoba highway will not go to jail for his crime. Pernell Guimond was give a two-year conditions sentence…" wrote Mike McIntyre in a story published Jan. 13 in the Winnipeg Free Press.

Oh? we said. That's on all-fours with the case of Crystal Taman who was killed when a car driven by off-duty East St. Paul policeman Derek Harvey-Zenk smashed into her car as it sat at at red light. He had been drinking with colleagues after his shift the day before and likely still had alcohol in his system. Like Guimond, he refused a breathalyzer. Zenk was also convicted of dangerous driving causing death and also sentenced to house arrest.

So we waited. We waited for the reaction of the mainstream reporters, columnists, and broadcasters who had turned into a salivating lynch mob in the Zenk case. Surely they would be howling for the head of the prosecutor, the RCMP who made the arrest, or the judge who sentenced Guimond. Surely.

Last Saturday, McIntryre returned to the Guimond case. As in his first story, there was no mention of Taman or Zenk. Instead, he suggested the case was botched by the prosecutor who failed to call evidence from the senior RCMP officer she had been dating at the time Guimond was arrested and who would have testified to Guimond's refusal of a breath test. The romance had ended by the time of the trial.

The case actually fell apart at a preliminary hearing when Judge Mary Curtis disallowed evidence of a roadside breath test that Guimond failed. (Quick legal analysis from The Black Rod: Without the roadside test results, the Crown couldn't show a legal reason for demanding a breathalyzer, which is why the boyfriend's evidence couldn't be introduced to support a charge of refusing a breathalyzer. A Crown attorney might be boning up on libel law.)

We would have expected the media mob to be up in arms, again. After all, here was another example of a case botched by the RCMP. And here was clear evidence of drinking from Guimond's drinking partner who said they polished off most of a two-four of beer before Guimond decided to race another car.

Instead, silence.

Why?

Because the Guimond case is a direct repudiation of Roger Salhany, the commissioner at the Zenk show trial (disguised as a public inquiry).

Years ago, then-judge Salhany invented some new law for Ontario on drunk driving. Laws requiring proof that a motorist was impaired were antiquated, he said. All you needed to send a motorist to jail was evidence that he or she had been drinking, and had alcohol in their system. The level of alcohol was irrevelent. Forget .08.

And, he said, in the case of dangerous driving, the court needn't look for evidence of erratic driving prior to an accident; if you could show the driver had been drinking before he got behind the wheel, the judge can throw the book at him.

Using his own rulings as precedents, he smeared the reputation of special prosecutor Marty Minuk. Minuk accepted a plea deal for Zenk that included a joint recommendation with defence counsel of no jail time. That decision brought the administration of justice into disrepute, thundered Salhany.

The Guimond case vindicates Minuk, who argued he relied on Manitoba Court of Appeal precedents in sentencing. That wasn't good enough for the media mob which lumped him into an imaginary police cover-up to let one of their own escape justice.

Justice Joan McKelvey of Court of Queen's Bench, presiding over a real court, rejected Salahany's bizarre, self-amendments to the law, despite his near-canonization by the press pack, when she sentenced Guimond on the same principles Minuk relied upon.

And the media mob has said nothing.

Why? Because it's politically incorrect to demand the jailing of an aboriginal man? Or because Guimond is not a policeman and their contempt is reserved only for police?

Silence --- the sound of hypocrisy.

Watch them discover their voices when Salhany presides over his next show trial, the "review" into the murder trials prosecuted by former Crown attorney George Dangerfield.

-30-

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Sunday, January 24, 2010

Who will protest Manitoba's democracy deficit?

The heavily-hyped prorogation protest in Winnipeg drew barely 300 people (by the Winnipeg Free Press count) or 438 people (by one participant's count posted on the rally's official website).

Organizer Chris Burnett said he was pleased. On Thursday he told the Winnipeg Free Press, "If there are less than 500 I will be disappointed."

If only re-setting the bar was an Olympic sport, 36-year-old Chris would have a future.

To prove they weren't partisan, the organizers started the rally at the University of Winnipeg, the base of hyper-partisan Liberal Lloyd Axworthy.

To demonstrate their political acumen, they marched to the provincial Legislature, which has no connection to Stephen Harper, Parliament or prorogation.

To illustrate they knew what they were doing, they walked in a circle and ended up right back at the U of W where they had hot chocolate.

The protestors said they were standing up for democracy, not showboating for the Liberals or NDP.

If that was the case, they should have stayed at the Legislature because that's where the NDP government was doing its dictatorial best this week to stifle the democratic process in Manitoba.

The occasion was a mandatory meeting of the Standing Committee on Legislative Affairs. Usually these meetings are as boring as the name. This one was electric.

The meeting was called because of the impending departure of Chief Electoral Officer Richard Balasko, who is leaving under a deep, dark cloud because of his too-cozy relationship with the NDP.

Balasko's official spin is that he always intended to retire when he reached 55. The reality is that his job ended months ago when the leaders of the Opposition Conservatives and the Liberal Party revoked their confidence in him. It had been revealed that Balasko actively helped the NDP cover-up an election expenses scandal dating back to 1999.

* A forensic auditor discovered that the NDP was filing false expense claims to get reimbursed from the public purse.

It wasn't an inadvertent mistake or an attempt to push the rules; it was an orchestrated scheme to defraud Elections Manitoba and it had been going on for years. The NDP could then use the rebates as a secret slush fund in the next election to bypass spending limits because there would be no record of where the money came from.


* When caught, the NDP insisted the auditor be fired. Balasko took care of it.

The NDP didn't want to be charged with breaking the Elections Act. Balasko let them pay the 1999 rebate back quietly and let them keep what they got in prior elections, no questions asked.

* The NDP wanted it kept quiet.

Balasko revealed the repayment in a brief note in an obscure government publication two days before Christmas. Conservative Party candidates accused of election infractions weren't offered deals before Balasko pressed charges and notified the news media.

With Balasko hitting the bricks in April, Manitoba needs a new Chief Electoral Officer pronto. There's an election scheduled for 2011, and the NDP might be planning an earlier election call in advance of at least two other brewing scandals -- an inquest into the death of Brian Sinclair in a hospital waiting room (called a year ago, postponed in January, no date set) and a whistleblower's complaint of costly mismanagement at Manitoba Hydro (received 14 months ago, no investigation done, no completion date even remotely hinted at).

The government wanted the Legislative Affairs committee to rubber-stamp the start of the process to replace Balasko.

Instead, the Opposition, with the support of the Liberal Party, said the price of their cooperation was a public inquiry into the 1999 NDP rebate fraud.

The NDP, using its majority on the committee, voted down the Opposition motion. The Opposition walked out of the committee.

It was at that point we learned how the authoritarian NDP government views democracy in Manitoba.

Committee chairman Tom Nevakshonoff (NDP-Interlake) declared that participation by the Opposition on committees of the Legislature is only a courtesy. The government can ignore the presence or absence of Opposition members at will and, in this case, they did, voting unanimously to create a subcommittee to find a new Chief Electoral Officer.

As for letting the public learn whether the NDP engaged in fraud during the 1999 election? Fuggedaboutit, said Bill Blaikie, speaking for unelected Premier Greg Selinger. It's like cheating on your income tax, he said. You get caught, you pay it back.

"Not everybody who files a return and then has to file another return is charged with evasion or fraud or whatever. This goes on all the time in all kinds of these kinds of processes, and this is what went on then. That's our view of the matter…" he said.

- The NDP cheated in the 1999 election.
- They got caught two years later.
- They managed to cover it up for another 5 years with the help of the Chief Electoral Officer.

- Now they plan to appoint a new elections officer who will not have the confidence of the House because he will be seen as a lapdog hired to do the bidding of the government.

Where are the pro-democracy protestors? Why are they not picketing the NDP with their clever signs and tortured rhymes?

The NDP have managed to destroy the integrity of every independent officer of the Manitoba Legislature.

Apart from Elections Manitoba, the office of the Auditor General was irreparably tainted when new Hydro Minister Rosann Wowchuk declared she had no concerns with Carol Bellringer's blatant conflict of interest while she "investigated" the whistleblower's complaint about Hydro.

Bellringer sat on Hydro's board of directors with the very people she would be "investigating." She would take as long as she wanted to complete her investigation, she told the CBC. Her report on Hydro might be finished in 18 months, she said. Or, dare we say, maybe even after the next election to the relief of the NDP.

Bellringer was eventually shamed into handing the whistleblower complaint back to the Ombudsman. Wowchuk was sad.

The Ombudsman, in turn, has been revealed as a toothless watchdog indeed. Tasked by law to handle whistleblower complaints "expeditiously", Irene Hamilton has bumbled the Hydro complaint, doing nothing with it for 14 months and now announcing she will likely wait for a Public Utilities Board study of Hydro to be finished sometime in the future before taking it up again. Maybe she, too, can delay it past the next election.

The NDP can only hope.

The Opposition, meanwhile, will have another opportunity to fight for a public inquiry into the 1999 NDP election scandal. The cards are beginning to favour them.

The subcommittee set up by the NDP to find a new elections chief is to be made up of four NDP, two Conservatives and one Liberal. If the minority members refuse to sit, the subcommittee cannot function. Trying to operate as a fully partisan committee would signal any legitimate applicant for the job: RUN, DON'T WALK.

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Friday, January 22, 2010

In Defence of Brock Lesnar

Pass the hammer. We've got to knock some noses back into joint.

UFC heavyweight champion Brock Lesnar wasn't trashing Manitoba when he talked about receiving third-world health care in a Brandon hospital. He was holding up a mirror.

Don't like what you see? Stomping your feet and making chauvinist squeals won't change the picture.

Lesnar is a professional athlete; he knows pain. He's a professional mixed martial arts fighter; he knows extreme pain. So when he doubled over with pain while hunting with his brother in southwestern Manitoba last November, he knew it was something unusual and very serious.

He was admitted to Brandon General Hospital on or about Nov. 7 only to find the CT scanner was out of commission and had been for four days. A CT scan is the most common test for a potentially life-threatening abdominal disorder like diverticulitis, which was what Lesnar had.

So what's the problem, asks Carmel Olson, CEO of the Brandon regional health authority.

"The attending physician was very qualified and very respected," she told the Globe and Mail. "He's been in the business for more than 30 years. And he has the skills to diagnose a condition such as diverticulitis without a CT scan."

Hmmmm.... Imagine you're in Mexico and a wall fell on you. You go to the hospital because you suspect you have broken ribs. The doctor tells you the X-ray machine is in the shop for repairs, but Dr. Juan Valdez is very experienced in broken bones and he'll poke around your chest to make his diagnosis. And please stop whimpering, you're disturbing the other patients.

You would be in the taxi, lickety-split, heading for the next plane back to Canada.

Americans---all Americans, regardless of income---expect a hospital to have a working CT scanner as basic equipment, just as all Canadians expect to see an X-ray machine in a hospital. Depending on a doctor's "experience" is fine and dandy--- in the Third World maybe.

CEO Olson told the Globe,"We have state-of-art equipment here. We are hardly a one-horse operation."

Lady, when it comes to 21st century diagnostic imaging, you are a one-trick pony operation and that day your pony was on the fritz.

Another eBrandon commenter, "snickers", came to the defence of Brandon hospital with this personal account:
"just read in paper today about the pain Brock was in due to him suffering from diverticulitus..... I have the same condition and infact a couple years ago was rushed to emerg because if it... Immediatly I was admitted to hopsital, spent 3 days in a emerg bed with IV and then admitted to the General cause my condition was so serious. I was told by a very compatent surgeon that I had a micro perforation and I would require surgery ... soon..I was allowed no food period.... there was signs all around my area NPO (nothing per oral)I was released only to be scheduled for surgery 4 days later.. no miracles here.. ended up havin surgery, they removed 1.5 feet of sigmoid colon... if left a micro perforation could rupture and then this serious condition would be an emergency.. I recieved very good care here, right from get go in emerg.. Kudos to all the staff in emerg and Bdn General.. not sure how Brock was mistreated.. in my experience with very similar issue I recieved the help and care and follow up care I needed.".

Lesnar's sister-in-law Jennifer - a Manitoban no less - provided details that literally define 'mistreatment' for that condition:

"The CT machine was down for over 4 days so they didn't know he had a rupture and were feeding him, I think wrong antibiotics, etc...I think they did the best with what they had, but he was REALLY sick and I think he made the right choice leaving for a US hospital...He's not blaming the hospital, but it's not ok for ANYBODY needing a scan to have to wait 5 or more days. We've had nothing but great experiences in that same hospital, so it's just unfortuate that everything kinda went wrong when he was there. "

As Canadians we accept 4 hours waits in emergency rooms as normal, four week average waits for CT scans as an improvement, and deaths in Manitoba hospital waiting rooms as not unusual. At one time not too long ago, having emergency wards manned by lone doctors was considered a crisis; now it's standard.

Is it any wonder that Lesnar's wife put him in a car and drove pell-mell to the nearest American hospital with a CT scanner? In her eyes her husband is dying from the pain and they're stuck in 1950's Mayberry.

Lesnar eventually left Bismark, N.D., after being diagnosed for treatment at the Mayo Clinic in Rochester, Minnesota. Brenda, a Brandonite posting on the Brock Lesnar thread on eBrandon.ca, offered a comparison between treatment in a Manitoba hospital and treatment in the Mayo Clinic (which must be what health care in heaven is like):

"two systems

I know you can wait forever in Manitoba for tests. You can go to the lab or the x-ray dept. and sit forever. A friend of mine went to the mayo clinic. Saw a dr. who sent her for x-rays, by the time she got on the elevator and to the x-ray dept. someone was there to meet her at the elevator door and take her in right away. By the time she was done and back to the doctors, she had the results. Run like a well oiled machine. Unfortunately, our system is not that quick. But I don't mind waiting a little while, knowing I don't have to pay."

Spoken like a true Canadian.

Lesnar is a self-described Republican who is against radical changes to U.S. health care.

"The reason I'm saying that is because there's millions of people that don't want health care reform and I'm one of them," he said at a news conference Wednesday. "I'm not a believer in socialism and I don't want that going on."

"I believe in health care for everybody," sniffed Manitoba's socialist Health Minister Theresa Oswald, in typical NDP knee-jerk, anti-American superiority. "Canada has lots to be proud of in terms of providing health care for everyone."

Canada has universal health care but you take what the government gives you.

In America, you can spend your own money to enhance the health care you want for yourself and your family. If you can't afford it, you get Canadian-style health care---take a number and wait.

As a well-paid athlete, Brock Lesnar has lots of insurance and, in his profession, he needs it. He wasn't waiting in pain for an essential diagnostic machine to become available.

In Canada, the government takes $100 million of your money and spends it on a Manitoba millionaire's pet project museum and says there's no money for health care.

In Manitoba, the government takes your money, spends it on a power line built to impress U.S. eco-lobbyists when the same line on another route could be built for half a billion dollars less, and then says you're bad if you want to keep your own money and buy better health service at a clinic.

When Theresa Oswald eventually moves to the U.S. to live with her husband in Wisconsin will she be buying health insurance for her children? Or will she choose to rely on the state-provided health care?

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Saturday, January 16, 2010

Is the Disraeli Bridge debacle the start of a revolution at city hall?

We fell for it hook, line and sinker.

The Disraeli Bridge Deception is a textbook example of everything that's wrong with city hall in Winnipeg.

But this is an election year, and Mayor Sam Katz may find it one doublecross too many for people to stomach.

It was April, 2008, when city hall announced that the aging Disraeli Bridge needed to be replaced expeditiously. The bridge had reached the end of its lifespan, we were told, and it was literally beginning to fall apart. But, in keeping with the modern mode of democracy, the public would be consulted about its preferences in a new bridge.

So a series of public meetings were held where taxpayers could give their opinions on three bridge proposals which were variations of a four-lane refurbished Disraeli bridge with a new bicycle lane and a pedestrian walkway or two.

The best-received, carrying a cost of $140 million, was duly announced.

Twenty months later, City Hall is signing contracts for two bridges instead of one, at a cost of $195 million and counting, requiring rerouting of streets to link to a new, and not refurbished, structure.

It turns out city administrators held secret meetings with a special interest group after the pubic consultation meetings were over and decided to toss out the public's choice and replace it with something the group wanted.

We'll return to these secret meetings in a minute.

From Day 1, the biggest concern was the length of time the Disraeli would be closed for construction---estimated at 16 months, at least. City officials said it was unavoidable, that all options had been considered and none was a viable alternative to diverting traffic.

Not so, said an assortment of politicians and private citizens. The solution was, in fact, already part of their plans for infrastructure renewal.

Replace the Louise bridge first, they said, then divert traffic over the Louise while rebuilding the Disraeli.

Impossible, declared city administrators. You little people don't know what you're talking about. You're well meaning but simple folk who shouldn't try to armchair quarerback experts like us. This isn't Sim City. There just isn't time to replace the Louise first. Trust us.

And we did.
Stupidly, we did.

When concerned citizens like Phil Walding and Regan Wolfram spent days coming up with carefully thought-out plans showing how the Louise bridge alternative could work, we stayed silent. We bought the spiel that time was of the essence, that work on the Disraeli had to start as soon as possible.

Now we know the city officials lied. There was plenty of time.

The construction of the new Disraeli Bridge won't start until 2011, three years after public consultations were announced.

If the Disraeli can be designed in a year, the Louise Bridge could have been designed and built in those 3 years.

This week two city councillors provided vital information to understanding the Disraeli Deception. Interviewed (separately) on The Great Canadian Talk Show, the talk radio drive-home show on 92.9 Kick FM, Jeff Browaty (North Kildonan) and Jenny Gerbasi (Fort Rouge-East Fort Garry) made important revelations which, to them as city councillors, were old hat, but to us, the public, were shocking.

Jeff Browaty defended the increased cost of the Disraeli project on Wednesday. We'll get a new bridge, he said, regurgitating the official script. Then he blurted out that the Louise Bridge was never considered an option. It was dismissed out of hand because it is a major project in itself, one that will involve realigning Higgins Avenue and likely moving the bridge east.

Rebuilding the Louise isn't any bigger than the mishmash the city has made of the Disrali bridge replacement. But Browaty did us a favour by highlighting the thinking behind the walls of city hall.

Why look at it replacing the two bridges as one project in two parts when you can divide it into two projects, each with its own, ahem, opportunities.

Remember, the public thought the Disraeli Bridge replacement was on track as soon as the public consultations were over. Instead, city administrators held secret meetings with people who had their own ideas for Disraeli but didn't want the public to know about them.

Hmmmm. Secret meetings. Special interest groups. Millions of dollars to be spent. No accountability.

Do your own word association. What comes to mind?

Kickbacks?

Payoffs?

Graft?

The public was astonished to learn, four months after the public meetings, that the city was planning to build two bridges to replace the old Disraeli, a refurbished bridge for cars and a brand new bridge for bicycles.

Certainly the pro-bicycle, anti-car lobby group Bike to the Future, which was behind the second bridge, doesn't have the money to entice city officials.

Hmmmm? Who would be interested in having the inside track on the city's plans for multi-million-dollar bridges that had never been discussed in public?

* The city held secret meetings.
* The public was not invited.
* There are no transcripts.
* We don't know when the meetings took place.
* Or where.
* Or who attended.

We don't know what promises were made.

Or what information about possible land expropriation was given.

And if there's money to be made on one big bridge project, imagine the money when you have the skinny on the second project---the Louise bridge.

More secret meetings, ya think?
And what surprises await us there?

Then on Thursday, Jenny Gerbasi dropped a bigger bombshell.

City council had nothing to do with the final design of the Disraeli Bridge. Or the two-bridge design before that, she said.

There was never any vote, or any questions in council because the entire project had been delegated to Glen Laubenstein, Winnipeg's chief administrative officer and the mayor's right hand.

So, holding secret meetings with special interest groups was Laubenstein's responsibility.

And making a mockery of the public consultation process was Laubenstein's idea.

And raising the cost of the Disraeli replacement by $55 million was Laubensteins's decision.

But, but, but....isn't the province giving us the extra money? Wake up. The "province" is Winnipeg.

Don't think for a second that taxpayers in Morden or Thompson are subsidized a bridge in Winnipeg. Whenever the "province" contributes to a city project, its the Winnipeg taxpayer paying twice.

But, but, but...Browaty says we're getting a brand new bridge that will last 75 years, a refurbished bridge would need replacement after 45.

Oh, really? Here's what the City of Winnipeg said in announcing public consultations on a new Disraeli Bridge:

http://www.winnipeg.ca/publicworks/MajorProjects/DisraeliBridges/newsletterApril2008.pdf

Why are the Bridges being rehabilitated?
The Disraeli Bridges Rehabilitation Project includes
the bridge over the Red River and the overpass
crossing over the CP Rail mainline. A Condition
Assessment found numerous deficiencies that
need rehabilitation or upgrading in order to
achieve a further 75 year service life and to meet
current design standards.

Were they lying to us then, or are they lying to us now?

But, but, but....isn't this a private-public partnership, so that the city isn't on the hook for the cost?

Let's see....the city starts by having to borrow $75 million. After breaking the Norrie-era habit of deficit financing, we're back in hock just as interest rates start rising.

Then, nobody knows what the bridges will cost. Like the Canadian Museum for Human Rights, we're writing a blank cheque. Here's how the city's own news releases says it:

"The City's capital budgets have allocated a total of $195 million for the project. This is a preliminary estimate, and the actual amount may change as plans are finalized."

And what will happen if the private partners walk away if their profit margin evaporates? Guess who gets to pick up the entire tab? Oh, wait, maybe the "province" will help.

The bottom line is city administrators lied to us.

- They said the Disraeli bridge had to be rebuilt asap.
- They dismissed the obvious solution to the traffic snarl, replacing the Louise bridge first.
- They then delayed the process to hold secret meetings with a private group.

They tossed out the public's preference in design for a new Disraeli bridge and replaced it with the private group's chosen design.

Then they raised the cost by $55 million to start.

And they spun it as a victory for the public (the bridge will stay open) and a demonstration that city hall listens.

But the public knows a con job when they see it. And for Mayor Katz that could be bad news.

His hand-picked city administrator is responsible for the Disraeli Deception. Above all, he's responsible for the added cost and the coming expropriation controversies.

Until now, Katz has held the high ground over his left-leaning opponents. He's been able to argue his business background provides superior value to taxpayers over the tax-and-spend alternative.

Thanks to Laubenstein, he's lost that argument.

If Laubenstein can raise the cost of the Disraeli bridge by almost 40 percent, a year before construction starts, then where's the alleged benefit of trusting the business-oriented council over the union-backed councillors?

In this case it's Katz's council nemesis Jenny Gerbasi who deserves full credit for fighting for accountability from the city administration, transparency from Laubenstein, and debate and a vote by the elected councillors.

Katz, meanwhile, is forced to defend secret negotiations which lend to the perception of a potential for payoffs and graft.

If new union-supported, NDP-backed councillors can simply stop a repeat of the Disraeli Deception and stop writing blank cheques to millionaires and developers, then they won't need to raise taxes. That just might be worth the risk.

Browaty raised one point that needs to be heard by the provincial NDP government.

He said he cared about the city in general, but that he was elected to represent North Kildonan and that's how he voted on the Disraeli project. Residents of other affected areas, such as North and South Point Douglas, should expect their councillors to represent their interests, he said.

Revolutionary? No.

But blazingly relevant in an election year.

By any measure, Mynarski ward councillor Harry Lazarenko is unresponsive to the concerns of his constituents in north Point Douglas. And (south) Point Douglas ward rep Mike Pagtakhan is fast on his way to becoming Lazarenko's shadow.

If these deadbeats keep getting elected, and keep ignoring their constituents, then vast swaths of Winnipeg have no practical representation in council or with the city administration that obviously now replaces council in many areas.

How will the province which controls the governance of Winnipeg respond to this deficit in democratic responsibilities?

Recall legislation? Mandatory accountability sessions for councillors? What do you suggest?

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Thursday, January 14, 2010

Ignatieff swims in anti-semitic waters again


A day after the Liberals accused Canadian soldiers of war crimes, and the morning he allied himself with a government-funded organization fighting to retain its anti-Israel bias, Michael Ignatieff arrived in Winnipeg.

He was on his cross-country university tour to bash the Conservatives. But even before he could start his trash-talk, he discovered that nobody cared because the earthquake that devastated Haiti dominated the news.

"The timing is just fortuitous given what's happening, given the engagement of Canadians, particularly young Canadians," gushed Manitoba's only Liberal MP, the unfortunate Anita Neville, the night before.

In short, it took a Stage 7 earthquake to overshadow the walking disaster that is Michael Ignatieff.

While he wanted to whine to students about the progrogation of Parliament, the Prime Minister and his cabinet were coordinating relief efforts to Haiti.

Ignatieff was left talking to people who don't vote about issues that don't matter. It should be his epitaph.

At least Iggy got to dodge the twin controversies bubbling under his feet.

John McCallum, a former Liberal defence minister, was being interviewed Wednesday on CBC Newsworld about his party's anti-prorogation ads when he started slinging mud at Canada's soldiers in Afghanistan.
http://www.dd-rd.ca/site/who_we_are/index.php?id=702&subsection=president&subsubsection=letters_and_speeches

McCallum: "… But I also think Canadians do care about democracy and about the high-handed, undemocratic attitude and actions of this government, and I think proroguing adds to the total character picture of Mr. Harper, and the fact that they may have been committing war crimes, handing over detainees knowing that they were very likely to be tortured, that is a war crime. And the fact that they're covering it up, I think many Canadians do care about those things as well as caring about economic issues."

The interviewer, acting like a true CBC reporter with a script, glossed over McCallum's clear statement.

Meharchand: "You know, we could digress here and talk about who's handing over, is it the Canadian soldiers who you're accusing of war crimes, is it the government, I don't want to go there in this interview."

McCallum: "It's the government."

No, it's not. The government isn't physically in Afghanistan taking detainees into custody. That's done by the men and women of the Canadian Armed Forces, and that's who the Liberals are accusing of war crimes.

There can be no doubt what McCallum said and no doubt about the meaning of his words.

Ignatieff, who has been backpedalling for years since accusing Israel of war crimes, knows the danger of making cheap accusations to score political points. He's about to find out whether he'll be the collateral damage for McCallum's attack on the Canadian military.

But Ignatieff has learned nothing from his own flirtation with the anti-Israel Left's rhetoric. Thursday he authorized a Liberal Party news release calling for the government to appoint "an independent administrator" to look at the turmoil devouring Rights & Democracy (also known as the International Centre for Human Rights and Democratic Development), an organization established by Parliament in 1988 to promote human rights and democratic institutions around the world."

"We need to get to the bottom of what's happening at Rights and Democracy," said Liberal Leader Michael Ignatieff. "Something very serious is happening when the entire staff of a reputable human rights organization is in open revolt against a number of Conservative appointees to their board."

"It is extremely troubling to see Rights and Democracy - an internationally-recognized, non-partisan organization - being discredited after decades of work promoting human and democratic rights around the world," said Liberal Foreign Affairs Critic Bob Rae, commenting from Nepal while attending a conference on constitutional issues.

After the sudden and tragic death of Rights and Democracy President Rémy Beauregard last week, 47 employees of the organization signed a letter calling for the resignation of three Harper-appointed board members who have severely harmed the effectiveness of the organization. Rights and Democracy was created by a unanimous act of Parliament in 1988.

"The Conservative government has tried to undermine the Rights and Democracy organization with partisan appointments and now the organization's credibility and ability to function is in serious doubt," said Mr. Rae. "The government needs to address the internal chaos that they have created within Rights and Democracy."

Remember, Google is your friend.

It took seconds to discover that the turmoil at Rights & Democracy (as it's usually spelled) revolves around the fact that the Conservatives have managed to appoint a majority of the board (7 to 6) and that majority is trying to rebalance the organization's anti-Israel bias, something the old board views as political interference. One of the new appointments is David Matas, legal counsel for B'nai Brith Canada, not that you'll find that information in the FP.

Apparently, last year the board voted "to fund a non-governmental organization that some board members argued was connected to pro-Palestinian terrorist organizations." We haven't been able to identify that NGO.

And Le Devoir, which broke the story, says the Conservative government wants Rights & Democracy to break its connections to the United Nations Council of Human Rights. This is the the successor to the disgraced U.N. Human Rights Commission, whose membership included such paragons of human rights as China, Zimbabwe, Russia, Libya, Saudi Arabia, and Pakistan. In 2004, the Commission unanimously accepted Sudan as a member just when it was under worldwide criticism for alleged genocide in Darfur.

Maintaining tradition, the Human Rights Council has passed more resolutions and decisions condemning Israel than all the admonitions against other UN members combined.

The anti-Israel bias of Rights & Democracy goes back as far as 2002 at least. In March, 2002, Palestinian terrorists killed 30 people in a suicide bombing of the Park Hotel in the coastal city of Netanya, in the midst of the Passover holiday seder . It was the latest outrage in a year of non-ending suicide attacks. Israel launched an offensive into the West Bank to stop the murderous attacks, and Rights & Democracy launched a political offensive to stop Israel.

The president of Rights & Democracy at the time was Warren Allmand, a former Liberal Party cabinet minister. He wrote the Liberal government demanding that Canada support sending United Nations troops to stop Israel.

The Israeli occupation was the “root cause” of the “Palestinian crisis,” wrote Allmand.
http://www.dd-rd.ca/site/who_we_are/index.php?id=702&subsection=president&subsubsection=letters_and_speeches


Ending the occupation was “an essential condition” for stopping the suicide bombing campaign.

Israel is guilty of war crimes. “…destruction that seems more and more to be a systematic and premeditated policy, and which is in violation of Article 53 of the Fourth Geneva Convention.”

The Liberals have been fuming for weeks over a Conservative Party mailout that accurately recounted how the Liberal government refused to list Hezbollah as a terrorist organization, failed to walk out of the Durban Conference that turned into the worst anti-semitic rally since Nuremberg, and that Ignatieff declared Israel guilty of war crimes in 2006.

The Liberals explained that they did, eventually, put Hezbollah on the terror list (after being excoriated in public by Liberal MP Irwin Cotler). They claimed without any proof that Israel asked Canada to stay at Durban. And Iggy apologized and apologized and apologized for saying what he believed.

"Mr. Ignatieff is finally finding his feet,"Terry Duguid told the Winnipeg Free Press Wednesday. "We and Mr. Ignatieff are finding our stride again.” Duguid is the Liberal candidate in the next election in Winnipeg South.

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Tuesday, January 12, 2010

Kaj to Toronto: Don't Trust Glen

MTC may have the hit play The Drowsy Chaperone, but we have our eyes on a real-life drama that's downright Shakespearean.

A mighty visionary struck down by those he trusted most. His past sins risen as ghosts to haunt him at him on the eve of possibly his greatest success. Unbridled ambition. Bitter betrayal. If only the Bard were alive to chonicle the tale.

Glen Murray, a legend in his own mind, is running as the provincial Liberal Party candidate in an Ontario by-election. His short stint as mayor of Winnipeg, along with his blinding urban visionary powers, are prime elements of his resume for the job.

He sees himself as the unchallengable front runner.

He's gay. The former MPP for the riding was gay.
He's gay. The riding has the largest gay constituency in the country
He's gay. And, as his fellow gay visionary, Richard Florida, has written, the future of cities depends on, well, you know.

Imagine his surprise, then, to find himself blindsided by one of his biggest fans, an emulator who ran for mayor of Winnipeg himself, and is, yes, gay. Enter Kaj (pronounced K'eye) Hasselreis.

Upon hearing that Murray was in line for the nomination to run in Toronto-Centre, Kaj rushed out a warning for Toronto voters about his role model: don't trust him.

Titled "A Queer's eye-view of Glen Murray/From a Winnipegger who knows him well", Kaj's clarion call was printed in xtra.ca ("Canada's source for gay and lesbian news").

Kaj wrote how excited he was when the man he had known as co-founder of the city's pioneering AIDS clinic and as an NDP city councillor became the mayor of Winnipeg.

"In 1998, I moved into a house down the street from Murray, and a few months later, he was elected mayor. When I went to his inauguration with my lesbian roommate, he proudly showed off his big, shiny chain of office and we swooned, "That's our mayor!" To which he responded, "Now I just need earrings to match!"

"Murray succeeded in inspiring Winnipeggers to think of our city as world-class. He was also a positive role model for young queers."

But it wasn't to last, he wrote. Sniffing a better opportunity, Murray dumped the NDP, joined the Liberals, dumped his job as mayor and ran for a seat in Parliament because he had been promised a cabinet post.

That's the kind of guy he is, said Kaj. He's the guy always looking over your shoulder in case there's somebody better to talk to. He's always looking out for #1.

"I have a lot of good things to report about Glen Murray, but I have to end this column with a warning to the voters of Toronto-Centre: Don't believe that he won't dump you, too, if a hotter offer comes along."

And he revealed that Murray already has his eye set on his next vision---for himself.

"...he still considers himself a Winnipegger, and says he'll return one day to run for MP again. At least that's what he told me a few months ago, when I interviewed him at a Winnipeg coffee shop. I have no doubt that Murray sincerely wants to serve the people - he's just always keeping his options open about which people to serve."

His bottom line?

"Take it from a Winnipegger: The man... is a charismatic, commitment-phobic, power-hungry, eager-to-please crybaby who can't be trusted. But he deserves every vote he gets."

Okay, so its not exactly "Friends, Romans, countrymen, lend me your ears. I come to bury Caesar, not to praise him."

Still, we know Glen Murray's obvious retort, and to him will go the final words.

Et tu, Brute?

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Sunday, January 10, 2010

The obvious questions about the Shamattawa arson

It takes a village to lose a child. And to cover it up.

For a week information dribbled out of the Shamattawa Indian reserve regarding a tragic house fire. Yet, today, we know as little about what happened as we knew on Day One.

* We know an 11-year-old boy, Edward Redhead, is missing and presumed dead. And a 16-year-old boy is in jail and accused of killing him.

But we know next to nothing about the mysterious phone call made only minutes before the fire started, possibly from the very house, and which may hold the key to the events.

* We know the caller was not Eddie's mother. CTV reported Friday his mother is dead. But its been reported the call, to a local pastor, was placed by the daughter of Eddie's grandparents, which would make her his aunt.

* She told the pastor he would never hear from her again, and asked him to look after her son. Was she referring to the other boy in the story, the 16-year-old accused?

Many people on the reserve know, and they're not telling, just as crucial information was withheld from the police for days.

The sordid story begins on New Year's Day. Eddie's grandmother and grandfather abandoned their one-story house to stay with one of their children because they had run out of heating oil. The temperature that night was 40 below with the windchill.

Eddie, who was officially in foster care, had been staying with the couple. Over New Year's, for sure, and one news story says over the Christmas period as well. That means he might have been in their care for 8 days or more. His foster mother was out of town.

Eddie's grandmother has been interviewed and she's told a consistent story, sort of. They left their home when the heating oil ran out, locked the door, and nobody was inside, she says. Was Eddie with them? The grandmother doesn't say. In fact, CBC reported Friday that "It was not clear where she thought the boy was."

What does that mean? It sounds as if she's saying he wasn't with her and she thought she knew where he was when she locked the door. Was he with the aunt who made the frantic phone call in the middle of the next night?

Pastor Pharoah Thomas took the call before 4 a.m. He rushed over to the Redhead house, only to find it well ablaze. He said he kicked in the door and tried to search the rooms, but was driven out by fire and smoke. RCMP said Friday the smoke killed Eddie Redhead.

RCMP were dispatched and they found Pastor Thomas at the scene. They tried to rouse the reserve's fire chief, but he, too, was away from home, spending the night at his father's. The RCMP officers could only watch the house burn to the ground.

After sunrise the smouldering house became a magnet for the children on the reserve. Very soon they realized that one of their playmates was missing.

Did they go to find him? They would have known he had lived most recently at the house that was burned down. Did they go to the foster mother's to ask for him. Did they ask his relatives where he was? Did they find his grandparents?

David Harper, grand chief of the organization representing reserves in northern Manitoba, now says that by 9 a.m., only five hours after the fire started, some people on Shamattawa realized Eddie Redhead was missing and they started searching for him.

Where? Did they retrace the steps of the children? Did they question the grandparents? Did they talk to the distraught aunt?

RCMP, meanwhile, were conducting a search of their own. As the Winnipeg Free Press put it, officers "went door-knocking in the community to try and locate three youths known to hang around the home…" In the spring of 2009 an arsonist set fire to an RCMP officer's trailer on Shamattawa. He was saved when his smoke alarm went off at 4:30 in the morning. A search for the hang-arounds would be prudent.

An RCMP spokesman told the FP those three youths were located. And presumably had good alibis.

For some untold reason, the RCMP never spoke with Eddie's grandparents, the owners of the burned down house, that day. Did they have information from Pastor Thomas that the house had been unoccupied? It wasn't until the next day, Sunday, that they "located" the grandparents, as the newspapers put it.

That's when they got the story about the heating oil, the lock and the empty house.

But they were unaware that Eddie was missing and that people had been searching for him for a day already.

It wasn't until still another day had passed that one of Shamattawa's four band councillors told the RCMP of the 11-year-old boy who couldn't be found. It was early in the evening, 7 p.m., when they got the bombshell news.

-- A telling snippet of the story shows us the mindset of the RCMP even two days after the fire. Eddie's foster mother had returned home by Monday but was unaware of the fire. She said the RCMP came to her to ask if she knew where Eddie and a 16-year-old youth might be.

"[The youth] and Edward may be responsible [for the fire], that's what they told me," she told reporters.

So, two days after the fire, the RCMP had their sights set on the teenager eventually charged with murder. At the time they were still suspecting arson. Eddie, a chronic runaway, was thought to be alive and hiding with him.

But everything changed dramatically the next day, Tuesday.

RCMP and officials from the Fire Commissioner's Office were searching the fire rubble when they discovered human remains. It's presumed they discovered the bones and teeth of Eddie Redhead, although no positive identification has been made yet.

But nobody expected the news the RCMP released the next day. A further search had turned up another body, they said. They insisted it was the body of an unknown person even though a medical examiner hadn't yet examined the remains. We can now see that they thought they had discovered the 16-year-old boy.

RCMP dropped another bombshell Thursday. The second set of bones belonged to an animal, likely a caribou.

Oh, and police had arrested the 16-year-old boy in connection with the fire.

-- The story got even murkier on Friday. The teenager was being charged with second-degree murder. Murder. Justice authorities were rejecting the idea that Eddie Redhead died accidentally in the fire. Murder means he was killed intentionally, or on the facts, intentionally left to die.

If it was his mother who phoned the pastor minutes before the fire started, then we can understand why she's been written out of the official narrative.

But what about the people, including possibly his grandparents, who knew Eddie was missing and who apparently did their best not to tell the RCMP?

Were they also trying to shelter the 16-year-old from the law?

For another look at the dysfunctional world on the Shamattawa reserve see this story in the Globe and Mail, "The land of lost children," by Margaret Philp, Dec. 21, 2002.

http://www.fact.on.ca/news/news0212/gm021221a.htm


Eight years later -- and time has stood still in Shamattawa.

Saturday, January 09, 2010

Winnipeg TV newscasts surpassing dead-tree offerings

Readers forgive us, for we have sinned.

We have to confess. As born-and-bred, dyed-in-the-wool newspaper consumers we never thought this day would come. But it's here.

We would sooner watch the TV supper-hour news than reach for the daily paper.

It hurt just to write that.

Before television news directors dislocate their shoulders patting themselves on the back, we should add that when we say TV news, we mean that in the plural. You have to watch all three newscasts at the same time for the best effect.

Watching the news has become a guilty pleasure. Year-over-year-wise, the quality of TV news has ratcheted up several notches as the quality of local newspaper coverage has plummeted. Undoubtedly, we have CBC to thank.

They kick-started the process, and, to their credit, the other stations stepped up their game to match the Mother Corps. Competition is a wonderful thing.

CBC, which for years had the desperate air of The Bay's bargain basement, has been reborn with the launch of their new format---news at 5:00, 5:30 and 6:00, live/live/live, breaking/breaking/breaking.

There's an unmatched energy on the show, oftentimes bordering on manic, which pours off the television screen into your lap.

Only true news junkies would watch all 3 'casts, which somedays is unfortunate. Important news on one broadcast is sometimes lost on the others.

The fact that Stu Murray was hired by the Canadian Museum for Human Rights primarily as a fund raiser was reported only on CBC's 5:30 news. Another day CBC had an exclusive story about a pepper spray assault on students leaving an after-school basketball game Daniel McIntyre Collegiate Institute, but only, again, on their 5:30 show.

If possible, CBC opens every show with 'Breaking News.' The problem is that many days there is no 'breaking news'. That's why we're bombarded with house fires and non-fatal car accidents which are beginning to all look the same.

CBC's new format is heavy on weather and live hits. Weatherman John Sauder introduces the show and is sprinkled throughout all 3 broadcasts. It's straight out of the Tammy Faye Baker school of presentation---if some makeup is good, more is better, and more than more is best of all. Replace makeup with weather and you've got the CBC, 2010.

That might be great for casual viewers, but for us, Sauder's face is the cue to switch channels to catch the news elsewhere.

But its the live hits that have changed the game in Winnipeg. CBC goes live whenever they can, even when there's no reason for it. A reporter once did a live hit in the empty stands at the stadium when discussing an assault on a police officer there the day before. (CKY had video taken on game day. Ouch. That had to hurt.)

Reporting live is no easy task. To their credit, reporters for all 3 stations have stepped up and become pro's at the art of the live broadcast. There are more verbal stumbles by host Janet Stewart back in the studio (which, believe it or not, are part of her charm.)

Gosia Sawicka has become the new Kelly Dehn. He pioneered the police beat on television for CKY; she's the CBC's police reporter, coming live from every crime scene in the city. Young, confident, and best of all, exuding an interest in the stories she tells, she's carving out her own territory on the mean streets.

CBC has also added something new to their newscasts -- men. Male reporters were almost extinct on Winnipeg's television news. CBC has beefed up the testosterone level on their broadcasts with the addition of Wab Kinew and Randell Mauricio.

This may have been bad news for Waubgeshig Rice. Once their lead-off reporter, his stories have recently been pushed down low in the line-ups while the new boys moved up the ladder. Did his Valley Girl uptalk finally sink him?

All that said, CBC continues to proudly cling to one fatal flaw -- political correctness.

It's that practice which, ultimately, reduces the value of news on CBC. For all their innovations, the bottom line is CBC cannot be trusted. Their PC filter is set so high that important details go unreported. It's like a four-legged stool with one leg missing; lean one way and it supports you, lean the other and you fall on your heinie.

They once breathlessly reported a warning to all women in Winnipeg's west end about a man who had sexually assaulted a series of unsuspecting females. They gave his height, but refused to say he was aboriginal in appearance. You had to watch the other television stations to get the correct description of the potential rapist.

CTV news, formerly known as CKY, offers Red River journalism -- not the school, the flowing body of water. It's wide, deep, steady, and strong. And predictable.

Hosts Gord Leclerc and Marilee Caruso are as bland, yet comfortable, as that old sofa in your living room. They don't try to be anything they're not. Which is good; watching them try to hype the Olympic Torch run as the greatest thing since the moon landing was painful.

But if CBC takes a big bite out of CTV's viewership in the next couple of ratings periods, expect to see more bells and whistles around that anchor desk. And hopefully fewer goofy hats.

CTV's crop of reporters is matching CBC story for story. The beauty of the competition among all 3 stations is that any one of them can come up with an exclusive on any given day.

The Winnipeg Free Press and Winnipeg Sun no longer, apparently, aircheck the television newscasts, because many excellent stories appear only for fleeting seconds on TV and are never matched in print. The TV stations, however, do recognize good stories by their competition and will do them themselves the next day.

This week CTV had the scoop of two girls arrested for threatening to kill students at a Selkirk high school. It was played well down in the lineup, but CBC still did a follow (as, in this case, did the Free Press). But the closure of Fanny's Fine Furniture, with the blast by the owner at Sam Katz and Greg Selinger that "Manitoba is NOT open for business" went unreported elsewhere.

The aforementioned Kelly Dehn has grown into the Walter Cronkite of local TV---experienced, stolid, the dependable voice of reason. Mr. Excitement, he's not. He's left the breaking crime stories to the new blood, in this case usually Stacey Ashley, whose enthusiasm captures your attention. Dehn, meanwhile, puts out solid stories that are criminally overlooked. He recently broke a story that deserved a wider audience on how Winnipeg police have stopped looking at store surveillance tapes, which have criminals caught in the act, because there's a staffing shortage.

If there's one complaint with CTV it's that they're not using their location to its best advantage. When they moved downtown from Polo Park they broke a major story on the open drug dealing around Portage Place and Air Canada Park. Since then, they've gone to sleep on downtown stories. Not even after their own female employees were attacked in separate assaults did they focus attention on the lack of safety downtown, especially for women.

Global News….we had such high hopes for you. There's one word which used to describe Global: imagination. Or was that 'fun'? When Global's local newscast was at 5:30 they were unique in the then four-channel news universe. It was must-see TV. They were the spunky upstarts fighting for approval and they did it by taking unexpected angles to stories.

Then they moved to 6:00 and became like a child prodigy dumbing down to fit in with his playmates.

Once they were a sneeze away from overtaking CBC and becoming the #2 station in town behind CTV. Now, despite a valiant effort by its reporters, Global is settling into the basement slot. We recognize that Global's bankruptcy protection status weighs heavily on their staff and yet they've successfully adapted to the live hit universe, to the cut-and-thrust of competiton, turning out their share of exclusive stories. Their reporters are regularly poached away. And the loss of co-anchor Eva Kovacs may also affect viewer loyalty.

We still miss Andrea Slobodian at the weather map. (We did catch her once on her new gig with Channel 9. One word: huminahuminahumina.)

Global still has us turning to them first though. Their local news starts a minute before the others. After that, it's a dogfight.

Ladies and gentlemen, clickers ready...

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Thursday, January 07, 2010

Shamattawa fire deaths may be linked to suicide

The second body found in a house destroyed by fire early Saturday morning on the Shamattawa Indian reserve will likely be identified as the mother of the missing 11-year-old boy who has already been named as the other victim.

RCMP and band residents know this but are apparently withholding the information because her death may be a suicide which preceded the fire, according to evidence provided in separate news stories from the community.

Pharoah Thomas, a Pentecostal pastor in Shamattawa, told the CBC on Tuesday that he "received a phone call early Saturday from a woman saying it would be the last time he ever heard from her and asked him to watch over her son. Then she hung up."

Thomas told the Globe and Mail the phone call came from the daughter of the homeowners. The missing 11-year-old boy is the grandson of the homeowners.

Although he is in the custody of Child and Family Services, he was on an authorized visit with his grandparents.


The pastor told the CBC he ran over to the home of the woman who called him and found it ablaze. He said he kicked the door open and crawled around to the various bedrooms, but was driven out by the fire.

He called the RCMP and, according to the RCMP press release, shortly after 4 a.m. officers were dispatched to the housefire. They met with Thomas, "(a) civilian at the scene (who) informed the RCMP members that he had spotted the house on fire, broke down the door and yelled out for anyone inside the residence without any response back. Due to flames and smoke no one could go inside the house."

Though this was well before dawn Saturday, it wasn't until the next day that RCMP located the owners of the house. They speak only Cree, but the RCMP said there was no communication problem. The grandparents said they had left the house to stay with friends when heating oil ran out. Nobody was in the house when they left, they said.

But that explanation fails to answer the most important questions.

Marie Lands, head of the Northern Authority that oversees the Awasis child welfare agency, said it could have been a case of miscommunication between the grandparents and the foster family each of whom may have believed the boy was in the other's care. That scenario fails to explain how the grandparents could have left their house without knowing where their grandson was. He obviously wasn't with them. So where did they think he was? At the foster parents? Well, when did they think he went there? How long was he gone from their care and control before they left their house, supposedly empty?

Did their daughter have a key to the house? How much time passed between the moment the grandparents locked the front door and the phone call to Pastor Thomas?

The fire must have been the talk of the reserve on Saturday, so why didn't the grandparents come forward on Saturday? Where were they? It's not like they could just drive down the road to the next town. There is no next town.

Again, its obvious that CFS had removed the 11-year-old from the mother's care. Why? Did the grandparents return the boy to his mother? Is that why they weren't immediately concerned about his well-being?

Many of the answers apparently lie with Pastor Thomas.

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Wednesday, January 06, 2010

Danny Wolfe, Manitoba's role model for gangbangers

Danny Wolfe is dead.

Hooray.

We can't think of a better way to start the new year that with this good news.

At 33, Daniel Richard Wolfe was a career criminal, a self-proclaimed 'gangsta', a remorseless killer, and a threat to innocent people everywhere as long as he was alive. Danny got killed in a brawl involving 10 gang members at Prince Albert Penitentiary where he was serving a double life sentence. It was pure poetic justice.

The gang mob did the job of the judicial system. It got rid of Daniel Wolfe for good, and it reduced the number of aboriginals in prison by one. Good on you, boys.

Wolfe is being called the co-founder of the Indian Posse street gang. That's giving him more credit than he deserves. The 'honour' really belongs to his brother Richard Daniel Wolfe (yes, they have the same name but reversed) whose article for the Winnipeg Free Press glorifying native gangs as a measure of Indian pride presaged the creation of the Indian Posse.

"When you see Red, you see a proud Indian stand tall for what he or she believes in...We all have to remember we're all in it together & will die together & sometime down the road we will be remember[ed] as proud Indians" (30 September 1994 Winnipeg Free Press).

"If a brother or sister dies, it's not because he or she was in a gang, it's because they had pride for themself & wanted to prove to everyone else they were worriors (sic),"

Violence, he said, is a necessary part of life and nothing to apologize for. He wrote:

"But if we have to kill (an)other brother or sister, then let it be, we will survive the war path in the future. We will join the great Spirit in the sky and we don't mean to disrespect are (sic, our) people but we all have something to prove for one other and it will be done if there is no other way to do it,"

Richard Daniel, by the way, is in prison himself, doing 19 ½ years for another infamous crime, the 1995 shotgun shooting of a 44-year-old Winnipeg pizza delivery man, a crime which electrified the city in its day for setting a new low in criminal depravity.

News stories about the dead Danny gloss over the crime that sent him to prison. We had the details in The Black Rod in May, 2008, when Wolfe was recaptured after escaping from jail before his trial and hiding out in Manitoba with the help of willing and eager accomplices.

http://blackrod.blogspot.com/2008/09/when-criminals-are-treated-like-family.html


Read how he participated in the cold-blooded murder of two innocent people, and the attempted murder of a desparate woman phoning for help.

"Shoot the old lady," shouted Wolfe or one of his cohorts. Her husband leaped to protect her and died from the gunblast meant to kill her. "That will teach you to mess with the IP,'' yelled Wolfe or one of his pals.

We can only pray that Greg Selinger's social-worker justice department won't drop the charges against Wolfe's Manitoba accomplices just because he's dead.


The happy news of Wolfe's demise came the same week as Winnipeg is debating the actions of one of his progeny. We call him Sixteen because that's how old he was two years ago when he was charged with beating a man to death with a baseball bat. He's since grown up into technical adult-hood and today he's charged with stabbing a man almost to death on New Year's Eve. He's growing into Danny Wolfe right before our eyes.

He brags about his allegiance to the Manitoba Warriors street gang. His propensity for violent attacks is undiminished. His contempt for the law is clear.

We wrote about Sixteen in May, 2008, after he was charged with murder.

http://blackrod.blogspot.com/2008/05/in-mind-of-teenage-killer.html

At the time we examined the non-existent provisions of the Youth Justice Act to sanction crimes up to an including murder and we predicted Sixteen would quickly strike a plea bargain.

"Given the love of Manitoba judges for double time, Sixteen will be home for Christmas, home to a rousing welcome by his gang buddies for whom a murder charge is the equivalent of an Oscar."

We were wrong. Sixteen was out of jail two months later on bail. He has never stood trial for murder, even today, 20 months later.

Of course, none of the MSM reporters has asked the obvious question---why?

We're now predicting he will plea bargain the killing and the attempted killing into one sentence---time served because we know how judges hate to inconvenience violent gang members.

But there are a few loose ends that must be followed. Under his bail conditions, he had to provide a $10,000 surety. If convicted on the stabbing charges, the government must seize the surety in full to "reward" those who had faith in Sixteen.

He had an absolute curfew and had to promise to abstain from alcohol. Yet he's apparently posted pictures of himself on the internet waving around bottles of liquor. Didn't that attract the attention of the Youth Bail management program?

Best of all, he was released in the custody of his father, who, we're informed, is a guidance councillor.

We'll pause here until you stop choking.

His dad is a guidance councillor? How can he retain his job when he has absolutely no credibility given his abject failure at home. Who the hell is dumb enough to take his counsel?

We can hardly wait to hear his excuses when the government tries to collect the $10,000 he put up for bail.

Of course, he might need it for a coffin, if Danny Wolfe is a trailblazer for Sixteen's future.

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Thursday, December 31, 2009

Manitoba Newsmaker of the Year 2009 and year in review, our style

Party Hat? Check.
Noisemaker? Check.
Hot Date? Check.
The Black Rod's Newsmaker of the Year? Right here....

One individual cut a swath so wide and so deep in the political fabric of the province, that the title of Manitoba Newsmaker 2009 could go to nobody other than the person known only as the HYDRO WHISTLEBLOWER.

Slightly more than one year ago the whistleblower delivered a formal package of alleged misdeeds to the Ombudsman under the protection of the NDP's vaunted Public Interest Disclosure Act. The existence of this, the first use of the legislation, was revealed in mid-year and we still don't know the full extent of that disclosure, but that's not what earned the whistleblower the title of Newsmaker of the Year.

Rather, like Samson pulling apart the pillars of the temple of the Philistines, the whistleblower demolished the façade of checks and balances everyone thought was built into the structure of government in Manitoba. Nobody else had anywhere near the same impact.

One by one, the public processes we've been depending on to keep the government honest have proved to be useless and toothless, dependent on midgets cloaked in robes of power far and away too large for their tiny ethical frames.

Let's start with the law itself.

- The NDP never fails to take credit for the Public Interest Disclosure Act, proclaiming it to be the finest law of its kind in the entire country. The Act makes all the proper noises about encouraging people to come forward without fear of reprisals, of investigations done in private, of non-disclosure of the whistleblower's identity, blah blah blah. This first test of the law demonstrates that it's all bogus.

20(2) An investigation is to be conducted as informally and expeditiously as possible.

Ombudsman Irene Hamilton has had the whistleblower's disclosure in her hands for more than one full year. Has she so much as cracked open a dictionary to read the definition of "expeditiously"?

She sat on the disclosure for 3 months before handing it over to the Auditor General. We suspect she literally sat on it because nothing resembling an investigation, informal or otherwise, took place during those 3 months. Instead, after 3 months of scratching her head, Hamilton pawned it off on another of those public servants we used to trust.

21(2) If the Ombudsman believes that a disclosure made to the Ombudsman would be dealt with more appropriately by the Auditor General, the Ombudsman may refer the matter to the Auditor General to be dealt with in accordance with The Auditor General Act.

Auditor Carol Bellringer couldn't believe her luck. Here she was, a former member of the Manitoba Hydro board of directors, being asked to examine a complaint of mismanagement at Manitoba Hydro. What, you say? Bias? Nahhhh.

So Bellringer tucked the whistleblower's file into a closet and ignored it for six or seven months while her old pal at Hydro, CEO Bob Brennan, used the time to demonize the whistleblower and do his best to identify the daring ex-consultant, stopping just short of using an actual name.

Did the Ombudsman, who is responsible for enforcing the Pubic Interest Disclosure Act, step in to remind Brennan of the whistleblower's right to confidentiality? Nope.
Did the Ombudsman announce she was investigating Hydro for using insults and threats as reprisals? Nope.
Did the Ombudsman call the Auditor and ask "How's it going? Are you almost done?" since five months is not "expeditious" by anybody's clock. Nope.

The Ombudsman, who is responsible for enforcing the Act, did nothing. And the Auditor did nothing.

In fact, Bellringer said she was rolling the whistleblower's disclosure into a broader investigation of risk management by Hydro which she intended to do sometime or other and which would take, oh, about 18 months. When CBC asked why she hadn't done a thing in six or seven months to investigate the whistleblower's file, Bellringer haughtily told the reporter there was nothing in the Act governing her job that set deadlines.

She would, she implied, take as much damn time as she wanted and nobody could tell her otherwise---not even when the Finance Minister ordered a special and speedy audit into the whistleblower's allegations. Bellringer simply ignored the minister. Expected to have something ready in 3 months, Bellringer spent a month doing her usual---nothing.

That's when The Black Rod entered the scene.

- We revealed that Bellringer had been sending a representative to every single meeting of the Hydro board. She had been getting one-sided reports from Hydro about the whistleblower's complaints for months. And it was clear that she had never severed her ties to Hydro after leaving to become the Auditor General.

Bias, anyone?

Bellringer returned the whistleblower file to Irene Hamilton, who, you guessed it, is patiently waiting for someone to take the damn thing off her hands.

But, but, but….isn't the Ombudsman legally bound to enforce the Whistleblower Act?

Guess what? The answer is NO.

35 No action or proceeding may be brought against… the Ombudsman, or a person acting on behalf of or under the direction of any of them, for anything done or not done, or for any neglect,
(a) in the performance or intended performance of a duty under this Act; or
(b) in the exercise or intended exercise of a power under this Act;
unless the person was acting in bad faith.

In other words, the complaints go to her, she's supposed to investigate them expeditiously, but if she doesn't, or if she screws around instead of investigating, there's nothing anyone can do about it.

Short of proving she's getting paid off by Manitoba Hydro, that is.

The law is useless and toothless. The provisions that are supposed to guarantee confidentiality and freedom from reprisals are being broken with impunity. The person named in the legislation with the responsibility to enforce the law is instead doing everything but.

She and the Auditor, people we have been told are independent and unbiased civil servants working purely in the public interest, have failed in their jobs miserably. The Auditor intended to, ahem, investigate the whistleblower despite what every sentient being except the Finance Minister could see was a giant honking conflict-of-interest. And the Ombudsman said that was okey dokey with her.

- The unelected Premier of the province, meanwhile, has his own conflict of interest by being the former minister in charge of Hydro at the very time of the whistleblower's allegations. He was last seen signalling Hydro CEO Brennan with winks and sly comments that the fix is in, don't worry old boy, it's all under control.

The Premier, the Finance Minister, the Ombudsman, the Auditor General---each and all exposed as untrustworthy guardians of the law and the public's confidence. And we haven't even seen what's in the Hydro whistleblower's packet of papers yet.

She might just be the Newsmaker of 2010, too.
*****************

The year 2009 was a year of scandal. From beginning to end, the disgrace rolled out as if on some kind of shame assembly line. We were kept Lucy-busy with it all, and, to our own regret, something had to give; for the second year in a row it was our coverage of the War in Afghanistan.

* In January, a forensic audit of the Winnipeg officer of Indian Affairs showed how Manitoba Hydro fudged the books and overcharged the federal government $7.9 million to clean up contaminated soil on reserves, and how the Fairford reserve pocketed a $1.2 million overpayment when nobody was looking, and how INAC managers broke the rules to channel more than $400,000 to the Assembly of Manitoba Chiefs.

* In February, Manitobans discovered Health Minister Teresa Oswald and the senior managers of the Winnipeg Health Authority had been lying to the public for months when they claimed Brian Sinclair was partially responsible for his own death by failing to report to the Inquiry desk at the Health Sciences Centre. When the public finally learned surveillance video showed that Sinclair had spoken to someone at the desk, Teresa Oswald, Brian Postl and Brock Wright said "Oh, right."

* In March, we learned that opinions of Winnipegers gathered at so-called public meetings to gauge opinion on a new Disraeli Bridge had been flushed down the toilet and replaced with the wishes of a private lobby group that held secret meetings with city bureaucrats. The public's preference of a new bridge was tossed and the city announced it was, instead, building two new bridges that hadn't been part of the public consultations.

* June was spent uncovering the NDP's scheme in 1999 to defraud the public through false claims for reimbursement of non-existent election expenses.

* In July The Black Rod caught Sherman Kreiner, the former CEO of the defunct Crocus Fund, channelling money through his job at the University of Winnipeg to his live-in girlfriend's anti-poverty business venture.

* In September, Marxist university professors admitted to taking crimefighting advice from former Manitoba Warriors gang members, who they then tried to get on the public payroll.
***************

What a full year it was for The Black Rod.

* We scooped the city with the news that the Canadian Museum for Human Rights was $55 million over budget. Three days on, when the "professional reporters" caught up to us, the CMHR confessed they were sinking in red ink, but claimed it was only $45 million. The Taxpayer's Federation revealed months later that the museum had actually been $58 million in the hole, worse than we reported, but had madly pared away millions to get the loss as low as possible before going public.

* We had the national news agencies chasing our January story of a strange turnabout at the The Hague where the accused are usually war criminals of one sort or another.

"What's a mild-mannered Manitoban like Bruce MacFarlane doing as a possible defendant at the International Court in The Hague?" we asked.

Winnipeg lawyer turned special prosecutor, Bruce MacFarlane was conducting the trial of a journalist for contempt of court when her lawyers accused him of abuses in his investigation and wanted to put him in the dock to answer their questions. We had been following MacFarlane's new job in the foreign press and broke the story in Canada.

* We proffered the first ever title of Civic Weasel #1 to North Kildonan councillor Jeff Browaty. A guest on radio's The Great Canadian Talk Show, Browaty was asked if he would vote to give more money to Gail Asper when, guaranteed, she would approach city hall to bail out her rights museum. He danced this way and that, refusing to say yes and refusing to say no. His slippery performance earned him the title.

He went back on the show a couple of days later and said he had thought it over and done some more research and now would go on record as saying No to any museum bailout. We were on the verge of rescinding the title when we heard, only days later, that he had flip flopped again and was saying that, maybe, if the evidence was there, yadda yadda yadda, he would consider a city bailout of the Aspers' pet project. Browaty earned the title Civic Weasel #1 and he'll carry that into the next election.

* CJOB news director Vic Grant offered The Black Rod first dibs on becoming the inaugural blogger to do his morning commentaries while he was on vacation. But we couldn't come to terms, so the deal went to Policy Frog.

* The Black Rod was featured in the 2009 edition of the Langara Journalism Review in a story about the power of the blogosphere.
http://www.langara.bc.ca/creative-arts/journalism/media/pdfs/LJR-2009.pdf


And in the Uniter
http://uniter.ca/view/939/
where Shannon Sampert, politics of mass media professor at the University of Winnipeg, couldn't resist taking a run at us. Unfortunately she didn't mention the story we did on her
http://blackrod.blogspot.com/2006/04/mayor-or-moose.html.
Maybe she forgot.


We finally got around to reading Chapter 10, White Noise: The Blogosphere and Canadian Politics by Curtis Brown, in the textbook Mediating Canadian Politics by Sampert and Trimble. The references to The Black Rod are tres amusants.

Also amusants, was the effort by the Winnipeg Free Press to write The Black Rod out of their "Blogs to Watch" list. When his readers insisted we belonged, Online Editor John White said "If the blog was consistently producing interesting, relevant and verified updates it would be on the list." Maybe White should be reading our year-enders and comparing our list of exclusive and original stories with his chosen. Can you dig it, John?
***************

In 2009, The Black Rod did what it does best, report the real facts when the rest of the news media acts as a pack regurgitating a script.

- In January, The Black Rod revealed exclusively how incompetence at Seven Oaks Hospital contributed to the death of an elderly woman who was exposed to the Superbug when doctors and nurses refused to isolate an infected patient.

- In April two police officers were charged with attempted murder and fabricating evidence. We dissected the case against them and demonstrated what thin gruel it was. We showed how the charges are political, motivated purely by the NDP's intent to convict a police officer any way they can to mollify a special interest voting bloc prior to the next provincial election.

- In May we went behind the knee-jerk story reported elsewhere about the death of a five-year-old boy in a house fire on the Sandy Bay Indian Reserve. You know, the usual---blame the white man for overcrowding, for the housing shortage, for the ramshackle houses people have to live in on the reserve. We reported a story we discovered in the Central Plains Herald-Leader, Manitoba's award-winning community newspaper. That story quoted reserve administrators admitting that mismanagement by the band chief and council were responsible for the terrible housing on Sandy Bay.

"Sure they're living in deplorable conditions, but 90 per cent of those conditions are their own fault," said one reserve advisor, who proceeded to give examples which went unreported in the Winnipeg press.

- After the murder of a guest at a wedding in the North End, Justice Minister Dave Chomiak announced a new anti-gang strategy. We showed it was a cut-and-paste of all the previous gang strategies announced by the NDP in 10 years of government, which have all failed.

- When Mayor Sam Katz started whining about an infrastructure deficit, we showed that the "deficit" was non-existent and pure invention. The city is spending enough money each year on fixing infrastructure to keep up with repairs and even make up ground on replacing old streets, sewers and playgrounds. The alleged deficit is entirely made up of new projects like the Human Rights Museum, a rapid transit corridor, and bicycle lanes that have never been priorities of taxpayers and which would be voted down in a second if put to a referendum.

Since when does a wish list become a deficit?

- Crime falling? In a pig's eye. We were alone reporting that Crimestat shows violent crime is up at least 7 percent this year and the only thing pulling down the annual crime numbers is the drop in car thefts. The MSM has ignored the epidemic of muggings and the slow rise in house break-ins, carjackings, sexual assaults, and shooting incidents. Maybe next year they'll catch up.

*******************
Note to readers: We have not forgotten the many tips we received that are still on the backburner, including the Brandon bridges, the University of Winnipeg apparatchiks, inside the 311 service, and our mole reports. Thanks for your patience.

And thanks to the Liberal Party insiders for the Christmas song, Bruce Vallance for his politically correct Season's Greetings, and to Krista Erickson, the CBC's new consumer reporter.

HAPPY NEW YEAR.

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Sunday, December 20, 2009

Ostrowski has always held the key to unlocking his jail cell

Frank Ostrowski waited a long, long time for Jim Luzny to die.

Finally, he had to settle for brain damage.

Luzny was the last loose thread from Ostrowski's 1986 conviction for first degree murder. And he was the most dangerous. At any moment Luzny could give police a signed confession revealing how he helped Frank Ostrowski arrange and carry out the killing of Robert Nieman, a Winnipeg drug dealer. Sure, it would put his own neck in the figurative noose, but stranger things have happened.

A night of drunken remorse. A spark of revenge. A sudden conversion to Christianity. Who could predict the potential trigger?

But it would sink Ostrowski's hopes of getting out of jail---and of winning millions in the NDP's wrongful-conviction lottery.

While Ostrowski sweated it out in prison, Luzny enjoyed his life on the outside. He enjoyed it a little too much.

In June, 2006, Luzny got caught in bed with a man's estranged wife. The man laid a severe beating on Luzny, putting him into a life-threatening coma. When Luzny awoke, he was blind in one eye and suffering brain damage.

Brain damage. The kind that made Luzny an unreliable witness in court. At last Ostrowski could make his move.

"I'm innocent," he shouted. "I wuz framed."

Of course, Ostrowski has been claiming he was innocent ever since the jury found him guilty in 1986. He just didn't know why.

His reasons changed with the seasons. Most recently its because the chief witness against him had charges of cocaine trafficking dropped following Ostrowski's trial.

Now, making a deal with the Crown wasn't such a big deal for Ostrowski in 1986 when he offered to snitch on his cocaine suppliers in Montreal if Winnipeg police would drop drug charges against him here. But, we're getting ahead of ourselves...

When Ostrowski walked out of court Friday on bail while authorities examine his claim of wrongful conviction, he was met by a crowd of worshipful reporters shouting "How do you feel, Frank?" Now he's their friend, Frank.

So you can expect the usual pack journalism from these mainstream media reporters.

What you won't see anywhere except here in The Black Rod is the story that the jury heard, the story that convicted Frank Ostrowski of the first degree murder of Robert Nieman.

*******************

Way back 23 years ago, Frank Ostrowski was the biggest cocaine dealer in Winnipeg. He was raking in half a million dollars tax-free a year from his criminal activities.

And then the roof caved in.

* Jim Luzny was Ostrowski's right-hand man. Funky Jim, as Ostrowski listed him in his bedside book o' numbers, was busted Sept. 9, 1986.

Four days later, police rolled up Matthew Lovelace, Ostrowski's trusted associate who handled his vital Montreal pipeline, carrying money east and coming home with kilos of coke.

The very next day, early on a peaceful Sunday morning , the police came calling on Frank Ostrowski as he lay burrowed in his nice, soft bed.

You don't have to be a paranoid drug dealer to suspect the obvious---somebody was talking to the cops. We now know exactly who they had in mind, a conclusion reached by Luzny even before Matt Lovelace and Ostrowski were arrested.

According to a signed confession provided to police, Jim Luzny's first move after being taken into custody was to call one of his dealers, Bob Dunkley, and have him contact Ostrowski with the news of Luzny's arrest. Dunkley, in his confession, said that two weeks and two days later he was pumping three bullets into the head of the alleged rat, Robert Nieman.

Matthew Lovelace was also thinking about snitches. That's because he was one. When he got caught, he considered his options. The best one was to start working with the police. He told them all he knew about Frank Ostrowski.

At 2:30 a.m. the next morning, police battered down the door to Ostrowski's home. They knew exactly where to look to find his hidden stash of drugs and money. They seized 11 ounces of cocaine and $50,000 cash and one fat cocky drug dealer. "Your information was right on," he told the arresting officers.

Ostrowski was out of jail in hours. Don't you love our justice system? He had already formulated a plan of action. Step one---phone the police for a discreet meeting.

* Tuesday, Sept. 16, 1986. Ostrowski was having a sit-down with two detectives. Once the small talk was over he got to business. How, he asked, could he get himself out of his jam.

He was told that because he was at the top of the food chain, there was little the policemen could do. "You're the biggest show in town," they said.

But, he persisted, if there was anything they could do, what would it be? He was told there could be consideration in sentencing.

We can't tell you how he made the transition, but Ostrowski then began talking about, of all people, Robert Nieman. He was a badass, someone not safe to deal with, he told the police.

* Wednesday, Sept. 17, 1986. Ostrowski met with Lovelace at the Windsorian. He came right out with what was on his mind. He thought Nieman had "ratted on us." Not to worry, he told Lovelace (as Lovelace testified at Ostrowski's trial). He had always promised himself that if he was busted and found out that there had been a rat he would "have him taken care of---killed."

Ostrowski had a proposition for Lovelace. Lovelace should claim all the drugs as his. He would go to jail, but his legal bills would be covered and when he got out he would be welcomed back into the drug world with higher status than ever.

And he added this bombshell--- he, Ostrowski, had a source in the police department. We can see now he had elevated his two detective contacts of the day before into his "source."

* Friday night, Sept. 19, and the boys were out having fun. Ostrowski and Lovelace were at the Windsorian again. Ostrowski brought Lovelace up to speed.

"Don't worry about Robbie Nieman," said Ostrowski. "He's taken care of. He's dead meat." Ostrowski knew Lovelace had seen him in possession of a gun earlier that year. He had, he said, given the gun to Jim and "Jim's friends are going to take care of Nieman."

Things moved slower in 1986. There were no cell phones and obviously a lot less urgency in reporting threats. Lovelace waited until Monday to phone his contact within the police department. The officer wasn't in and Lovelace left no message.

The same day, Bob Dunkley was at the bus depot, picking up a gun left there for him by Jim Lunzy, according to his confession. The contract on Nieman was for $25,000 to be paid in $5000 installments.

* Tuesday, Sept. 23, 1986. Ostrowski and a companion drove out to a farm that Lovelace owned. Once again Ostrowski raised the idea of Lovelace's taking the rap for the drugs. This time there were some added flourishes. Lovelace, suggested Ostrowski, should then turn 'state's evidence' and point the finger at Dominic Diabaldo.

Lovelace said he had been hired by Ostrowski to dig a hole for the safe that would hold his stash. Frank was putting a hot tub in a room to act as the safe and asked if Lovelace knew of carpenters. Lovelace recommended Diabaldo.

"There's more than one rat; the other is Dominic," Ostrowski said at the farm.

He told Lovelace he had heard that Diabaldo would build stashes for other people, then turn them in. He wondered why Dominic hadn't shown up at Frank's the day he was arrested, and that made him suspicious.

Lovelace wasn't about to backstab his friend Dominic, and he later warned him about the proposed set-up.

That same night, Dunkley was casing the apartment where Nieman lived. And he got made. Nieman and his girlfriend's brother came waltzing out the door headed to a local pizza joint when they bumped right into Dunkley and Luzny. "Hi Jim. Hi Rob." Dunkley snarled at them and pretended he didn't know Nieman.

* The next day, Wednesday, Sept. 24, Ostrowski was meeting with his police contacts again, at Johanna's Restaurant. What information would he have to provide to get off, he asked. If they "fudged" the case, he said, he would be free and in return he would give up his Montreal people. "You'll have everybody."

He was told he was too hot for anyone to trust. He changed the subject to…Robert Nieman. "Nieman," he said," is a dead man. He's a rat and he's dead. In a couple of days he'll be dead."

"I'm not the one doing it," he assured the detectives. "I told them that's not the way to do it."

"Bill Andrews. I hear he's next," Ostrowski said. "Well, that may be one of my bargaining things for my charges."

The police immediately tried to find Robert Nieman and warn him. They did a terrible job. They visited his known haunts, talked to his acquaintances and then, you know, their shift was over and the next shift was short-handed, and nobody told Nieman he was on somebody's hit list.

While they were scurrying around trying to find Nieman, Matthew Lovelace was calling his police contact again, and, again, the detective was out. This time Lovelace left a message. "I'd heard there was going to be a hit on Robbie Nieman. I was also in fear for Dominic Diabaldo," he told the jury.

A detective also testified about the message. He said he had seen a note on a police message board which read "Sonny called. He'll be at this farm. Frankie wants to do a hit on his friend." The lack of urgency is handling the call had fatal consequences.

* Early in the morning of Thursday, Sept. 25, 1986, Robert Nieman was ambushed as he returned to his apartment and shot to death. Bob Dunkley fired the bullets. He was accompanied by Jose Correia, another druggie who agreed to drive Dunkley there.

Later in the day Ostrowski was talking to his police contacts about Nieman's demise. "I have ESP," he told them. He didn't know how bad his joke would turn out to be.

* They caught Correia first. He led them to Dunkley. Dunkley fingered Luzny.

Luzny was the direct link to Ostrowski, but everything went sour at the trial.

The Crown made a deal with Dunkley. If he cooperated with police he would get consideration in sentencing. He would be allowed to plead guilty to second degree murder and there would be a joint recommendation for a sentence of life without parole consideration for 15 years.

Dunkley gave them his confession and pleaded out to second degree murder. But when it came to sentencing, the judge balked. He rejected the joint recommendation. In fact, he said, if it wasn't for Dunkley's cooperation he wouldn't even accept the plea to second degree murder instead of first degree. To express society's repudiation of the crime, he was raising the minimum sentence with no parole to 20 years.

Dunkley was incensed. He immediately repudiated his confession. He refused to testify against Luzny. Dunkley was called as a hostile witness and his confession was read out in court, but without his evidence, the Crown couldn't proceed against Jim Luzny and he was set free.

But Frank Ostrowski stayed in the prisoner's box. In his instructions to the jury, the judge said they should first decide whether Dunkely was guilty of first degree murder, planned and premeditated, regardless of what he pleaded to. Then they should decide if they believed that Ostrowski provided the gun for the murder. If so, they should find Ostrowski guilty of first degree murder.

And so they did.

Ostrowski's defence team now tries to deflect the public's attention with the usual show-trial red herrings.

Lovelace warned police that Ostrowski wanted to kill Dominic, not Nieman, they claim, as if that shows Ostrowski was incapable of murder.

And the Crown bought Lovelace's evidence, they shout, by dropping the drug charges against him, as if Ostrowski wasn't fishing to get his own charges dropped in return for flipping on his Montreal cocaine suppliers.

Note how they don't say a word about the gun?

Lovelace linked the gun used to kill Nieman to Ostrowski. And another witness, Paul Marion, corroborated his evidence. In fact, Marion said he saw Ostrowski with the gun first, and told Lovelace about it.

If there's a public inquiry into the allegations of wrongful dismissal, shouldn't Jim Luzny be the first witness? If his brain injury is so bad it affects his memory, then he could waive his solicitor-client privilege and let his 1986 trial lawyer testify towhat Luzny told him about the gun and where he got it from before giving it to Dunkley.

Frank Ostrowski warned his police contacts that Nieman was going to be killed only hours before the fatal shots were fired.

"I'm not the one doing it. I told them that's not the way to do it," he said.

He told 'them.' In other words, if Ostrowski is innocent, he's always known who was behind Nieman's murder. He could have told police at any time who it was.

He has held the key to his freedom for 23 years but has refused to use it.
Why? Could it be because that key leads right into his bedroom, circa 1986?

Next: reopening the Sophonow Inquiry

Thursday, December 17, 2009

Bill Blaikie must be so proud.

We don't know who's more insulting, politician Andrew Swan or reporters Mike McIntyre and Gabrielle Giroday.

But its clear that this trio is guilty of grossly misleading the public.

The team of McIntrye and Giroday should have been collecting accolades for their revelation that the teenager charged with killing a motorist by smashing into him with a stolen Hummer was a car thief previously convicted of involvement in another car crash where a taxi driver was killed.

http://www.winnipegfreepress.com/local/accused-thief-has-a-dark-past-79392032.html


Instead, by simply regurgitating the political lies of Justice Minister Andrew Swan, they negated their good work and deserve to share the disgrace.

Their Wednesday story concluded with the obligatory search for a solution:

"Attorney General Andrew Swan said provincial governments have been pushing Ottawa for changes to the Youth Criminal Justice Act that would allow judges to take deterrence into account when sentencing young offenders."

"That hasn't happened yet. We hope to continue raising our voices," he said."

As any professed "professional" reporter in Manitoba should know by now, that's pure political spin by a government with blood on its hands -- the blood of ten innocent people killed by car thieves on its watch.

Andrew Swan must be itching for a free trip to Ottawa, obviously a perk of the job since his predecessors Gord Mcintosh and carpet-chewing Dave Chomiak both got to go.

But Swan doesn't need a jaunt to Ottawa to lobby the government. The Conservatives would change the law in a heartbeat.

They've tried, and been prevented by the Opposition, especially the NDP.

As we've reported in The Black Rod for years, federal NDP justice critic Joe Comartin openly, proudly bragged after the law was passed that the NDP was responsible for keeping deterrence and denunciation out of the Youth Justice Act. Sitting at his side in Parliament was none other than one of Andrew Swan's cabinet colleagues, Bill Blaikie, who shared in the pride of restricting the penalties against the car thieves killing and maiming people in Manitoba.

Has the federal NDP changed its tune? Not a whit.

Here's how the CBC reported the NDP position on changes to the act.

Tories to amend Youth Criminal Justice Act
Last Updated: Monday, November 19, 2007
7:53 PM ET
CBC News
The federal Conservatives want to tackle young offenders by amending the Youth Criminal Justice Act.
Justice Minister Rob Nicholson said Monday the proposed changes to the act that were tabled in the House of Commons the same day would allow judges to impose punishments aimed at "deterring and denouncing the young person's actions."
The proposed law would toughen sentences for young people to provide "meaningful consequences" for committing violent acts, Nicholson said.
"By tabling this bill today, we are working to hold young lawbreakers accountable to their victims and their community, and instil within them a sense of responsibility for their criminal behaviour," he said, at a news conference in Ottawa.
Another proposed change would give judges more power to detain young people considered a danger to the public.
The proposed changes to the act's pretrial detention provision would make it easier to keep young people in custody before trial if the youth poses a risk to public safety.
MP Joe Comartin, the NDP's justice critic, told the CBC's Politics, a nightly political interview show based in Ottawa, that he was skeptical of the proposed changes.
"Denunciation doesn't work," he said. "We know that from any number of studies done around the globe."

Deterrence is not a principle that's viable either, he said, adding that if the Tories really wanted to do something, they'd be looking at prevention, putting more police officers on the streets and more programs in place.

Why didn't McIntyre and Giroday report this news? Why give Swan a free pass to spread misinformation and lies?

Ignornance or laziness?
Or political bias?
Pick one or more.

It all adds up to the same thing, more proof of the great divide between the mainstream media and the facts which are available to anyone with an internet modem.

As for the pious wails of "What can we do?" from newspaper columnists, politicians, radio commentators (we mean you Richard Cloutier), and others who profess to care, all you need to do is read The Black Rod here
http://blackrod.blogspot.com/2007/03/tackling-car-thieves-doable-solution.html

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Tuesday, December 15, 2009

Know your local car thief

Who's stealing all those cars?

That, in 2002, was the burning question facing Winnipeg police---and Manitoba Public Insurance which was paying the cost.

Or, as the authors of the submission from the Winnipeg Auto Theft Suppression Strategy put it in their submission to the Herman Goldstein Award for Excellence in Problem-Oriented Policing “Why was auto theft so attractive to young people that some would go out in -30 C weather to spend the day stealing 5 cars?”

MPI forked out some money to get the answer. They had to. The problem was costing them millions. And it was getting worse by the year.

Starting the very next year, 2003, to 2007, Winnipeg had the worst car theft problem in North America. In 2007, the theft rate here was 1714 per 100,000 of population. The city with the highest rate in the United States was Modesto, California, at 1048/100,000. The cost to MPI would eventually climb to nearly $40 million a year.

In 2002 MPI funded a study of jailed car thieves to get their answer.( “Pilot Study of Juvenile Auto Theft Offenders.” Jeff Anderson and Rick Linden, Unpublished paper, University of Manitoba.) The lives of 43 of the city's worst car thieves told them this story (as revealed in the WATSS award submission):

http://www.popcenter.org/library/awards/goldstein/2009/09-42(F).pdf


• Most lived in single-parent families. Over half had run away from home at least once. Respondents reported a high rate of criminal involvement among immediate family members.
• Respondents were not successful in school. They were 2-3 years below expected grade levels, and had high rates of truancy, suspension and expulsion.
• Average age of first involvement was 12 and the average age when they began stealing cars themselves was 13.
• Respondents were involved in a range of offenses in addition to vehicle theft.
• Most did little planning and seemed willing to steal cars any place and any time.
They used the vehicles for joyriding and for short-term transportation and usually just abandoned the vehicles.
• Respondents enjoyed the thrill-seeking dimensions of vehicle theft, which helps to explain why they often stole several vehicles in a day. Their thefts appeared to be a way of gaining status.
• Peers were important. Many respondents reported gang associations. Virtually all had friends who stole cars and most reported peer pressure to steal cars. This supports the conclusion that there is an extensive adolescent car theft culture in some parts of Winnipeg.
Respondents had high rates of drug and alcohol use and were involved in a thrill-seeking lifestyle that included vehicle theft.
• Some targets were clearly more attractive than others. There was a strong preference for stealing older Chrysler vehicles.
• Most respondents were not concerned about the consequences and any fear they had was not sufficient to overcome the thrill of stealing cars or the peer pressure.

A few other points of the problem facing police popped out.

• Clearance rates were around 10 percent, indicating that conventional investigative and enforcement tactics were not effective. Analysis of court statistics showed that sentences for vehicle theft were typically very light, again suggesting that conventional youth justice measures would not alleviate the problem.

• Auto theft was part of the youth culture in some Winnipeg neighbourhoods. This conclusion was based on interviews with young offenders, and was reinforced by interviews with police, probation officers, and prosecutors.

Clamping down on repeat car thieves was one component of WATSS. The other was forcing motorists to install immobilizers. The award submission contains some insight into the success of that element of the program...

The Effectiveness of Electronic Immobilizers
The immobilizer program has been very successful. As of May, 2009 about 85 percent of the most at-risk vehicles had immobilizers installed. None of these immobilizers has been defeated. A small number of immobilized vehicles have been stolen, but these have resulted from people leaving their keys in the vehicle or from the theft of keys.
Installations of most at-risk vehicles will be complete by September, 2009. At that time, at least 75 percent of Winnipeg’s vehicles will have effective immobilizers.

Public Support
There was potential resistance to the compulsory immobilizer program. The city’s major newspaper editorialized that the program was “An Abuse of Power” and a popular tabloid columnist wrote several stories describing how after-market immobilizers could ruin vehicles and result in major disruptions to owners. The Task Force responded quickly to these attempts to shape public opinion. More importantly, MPI implemented a rigorous quality control program to ensure that installers and installation facilities were certified, carefully trained, and monitored by an independent standards organization.


They also established an Immobilizer Quality Control Group that people could call to ensure an immediate response to any problems with immobilizers. As a result , the failure rate of immobilizers was extremely low and the issue quickly disappeared as a public concern.

****

This mandatory program was phased in over 12 months. However, crime analysts noted that as favourite targets were protected, offenders began to target other vehicles, particularly those equipped with the General Motors Passlock II immobilizer....

While these immobilizers do offer some security, several of our experienced offenders had learned how to defeat them and passed this knowledge on to their peers.
Consequently, when installations of the first list were completed in September, 2008, a second list of most at-risk vehicles was established. Immobilizer installations in these vehicles will be completed September, 2009. Thus far there is no evidence of serious displacement to other types of vehicles. Because the remaining vehicles include a diverse range of makes and models (typically low-volume models), it is unlikely that offenders will develop enough expertise in stealing them to significantly affect theft rates. Also, technical experts believe that some actually have effective immobilizers but have not gone through the formal approval process
.

MPI says the success of WATSS in reducing auto theft by more than 75 percent has resulted in savings estimated to be at least $30 million per year.

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Sunday, December 13, 2009

Violent crime in Winnipeg is way, way up and rising as MSM bamboozled


Winnipeg is paying a high price for turning police into babysitters.

And politicians who thought they would coast into the 2010 civic election, or the 2011 provincial election, on sharp reductions in crime are in for a hell of a surprise.

They've been busy this week patting themselves on the back for the "success" of the Winnipeg Auto Theft Suppression Strategy (WATSS)---they even held a special ceremony at the Legislature to announce WATSS was a finalist for an American policing award.

But they went too far when, with the shameful assistance of the Winnipeg Police Service, they tried to hide the truth from the public.

The car-theft suppression strategy, in a nutshell, consists of sending police on regular visits to the homes of the worst car thieves to make sure they're tucked into bed at night and have enough milk and cookies to last until the morning without needing to venture out of the house and steal a car to get some.

It's been so successful, according to its proponents (the government, the police, Manitoba Pubic Insurance), that car thefts have been cut 76 percent from 2004 to April, 2009.

And all that, allegedly, without a sign that the car thieves are just turning to other crimes.

As put in Manitoba's official submission to the Herman Goldstein Award for Excellence in Problem-Oriented Policing, 2009:

http://www.popcenter.org/library/awards/goldstein/2009/09-42(F).pdf

Displacement or Diffusion of Benefits?
"There were concerns that if WATSS was successful in reducing vehicle theft there would be an increase in carjackings and in crimes such as break and enter and robbery.
However, there have been virtually no carjackings in Winnipeg and rates of break and enter, robbery, and theft from auto have declined over the past 2 years. Figures 5 and 6 show the relationships between vehicle thefts and theft from vehicles and break and enter. The evidence suggests a diffusion of benefits rather than displacement to other offenses. This is likely because the intensive supervision has helped the youth stay out of trouble and because the work of probation staff has helped some to change their behaviour."

HIT THE BRAKES!!!!

That's a lie.

There's no other way to say it.

In fact, the police officers who put their names to this report deserve to be identified: Insp. Tom Kloczko, Sgt. Gerry Mauws and Det./Sgt. Kevin Kavitch.

Maybe some MSM reporter can ask them why they thought they could get away with misleading the public so blatantly.

A quick glance at Winnipeg's Crimestat webpage will show you that home break-ins are UP a shocking 21 percent this year.

And muggings, strong-arm robberies, purse-snatchings and home invasions (tactfully described as Robbery/Non-commercial) are up 39 percent from last year.

We spotted the trend six months ago.
http://blackrod.blogspot.com/2009/06/winnipeg-muggings-are-out-of-control.html

The MSM has still to catch on.

Break-ins to garages are up 5 percent officially, but since everyone knows most of these aren't reported to police, the real number is probably double or triple that.

And that's the meat and potatoes of the crime stats. Look at the periphery and it doesn't get any better.

Sex assault is up 52 percent.
Shooting incidents are up 12 percent.
Homicides haven't dropped.

Carjackings? Crimestat doesn't list those, but the newspapers do. Here's a sampling from a one-week period in late November-early December.

Assault, gun used in carjackings
By ROSS ROMANIUK, SUN MEDIA
3rd December 2009
Winnipeg saw two more car-jackings yesterday, with one incident involving an assault and the other a firearm.
-snip-
The first incident occurred about 1:45 a.m., when a male suspect holding a gun allegedly confronted two occupants in a vehicle on the 400 block of Alexander Avenue in the core area.
-snip-
The second incident saw a 64-year-old man attacked by two male suspects, who had found him in a vehicle parked on the 200 block of Cathedral Avenue in the North End.
The suspects forced the victim out of the vehicle, assaulted him and drove away in it.

Two suspects wanted in carjacking attempts
By SUN MEDIA
Last Updated: 26th November 2009, 11:55am
Winnipeg police are searching for two suspects in a pair of attempted carjackings on Wednesday.
Police say the first incident happened around 9 p.m. in the 400 block of St. Johns Avenue. Two suspects, one armed with a gun, demanded that a 39-year-old woman hand over the keys to her vehicle.
-snip-
About 20 minutes later, two suspects approached a 42-year-old man and 38-year-old woman in the 300 block of Burrows Avenue. One of the suspects again had a gun.
The suspects demanded the woman's car keys but fled when the man exited the victims' home, said police.

A lazy reporter looking at Crimestat will read the bottom line and see a 12 percent reduction in the crimes being monitored.

But filter out car theft and there's a 12 percent INCREASE in crime this year.

We shudder at what next year brings.

We've said it before and we'll say it again. Nobody in government deserves credit for stopping the car theft epidemic because they're responsible for creating it in the first place.

If the Health Minister was responsible for spreading swine flu at a school, would you give her an award for the ambulances that took sick children to hospital, the ventilators that kept them breathing, and the wreaths sent to their funerals?

We used to have professional babysitters looking after criminals. They were called jail guards. They had a 100 percent success rate. Nobody in custody stole a car.

Then, in 2002, the Liberal government passed the Youth Justice Act which essentially removed jail as a deterrent to under-18 criminals.

The NDP in Ottawa, including Greg Selinger's right hand man Bill Blaikie, wholeheartedly supported the Act, to the point that their justice critic Joe Comartin bragged that they deliberately kept deterrence and denunciation out of the Act to reduce the sentences that judges could impose.

Car thefts in Manitoba skyrocketed in the following years.

The Manitoba NDP professed concern, but did little.

You won't believe what happened next. The Winnipeg Auto Theft Suppression Strategy award submission spelled it out:

"(In 2006) A supervisor in the WPS Stolen Auto Unit looked at the relationship between the number of the top 50 offenders who were in the community each day and the number of cars stolen on that day (See Figure 3). This clearly shows that the more of this group who were on the street each day, the more cars that were stolen."

"Other crime analysis data supported this conclusion. For example, the police knew that certain young offenders preferred particular models of vehicles and when they were in custody or under effective supervision in the community, thefts of these particular types of vehicles dropped significantly. This finding highlighted the need for improving the offender-oriented approach used in the intensive supervision program."

The police-wait for it---had a meeting with Justice Minister Gord Mackintosh. He was so stunned by the finding, he found the money for another five police in the stolen auto unit. And the rest, as they say, is history.

Pure genius.

It took a highly trained, highly experienced police officer to notice that when car thieves are in jail, car thefts fall, and when they get out, car thefts rise. But it took "other crime analysis data" to test this wild leap in logic.

C'mon. A 80-year-old Tagalog-speaking grandmother with her Grade 3 education could have told you that, without any "other crime analysis data" or any smarmy social-worker blather about "improving the offender-oriented approach."

What the submission doesn't say is that the NDP has known all along what is necessary to stop the car theft epidemic---take the thieves out of circulation. And if the criminal law couldn't be used, the province had civil child-protection law that could. But they refused to use it because most of the car thieves were, ahem, aboriginal in appearance, and they've been given a get-out-of-jail-free pass from the NDP. So instead, we turned police into babysitters while crime crept up and up.

But it worked didn't it?

Oh, did it? Any car thief who was a teenager when the Youth Justice Act was proclaimed is now an adult and subject to real penalties, like prison. Deterrence anyone?

Another vital piece of information in this award submission has gone unreported. The rate of car theft has been ratched down by a phenomenal percentage without denting the "root causes" of crime. How 'bout that.

They stopped car theft by stopping car thieves.

Not by attacking poverty first, or homelessness, or illiteracy, or unemployment.

Not by building basketball courts or drop-in centres.

Not by buying them energy-efficient furnaces (the Tom Simms answer to poverty).
*************

Professional Reporters At Work
Winnipeg Free Press reporter Bruce Owen used the WATSS award submission (without saying so) as the basis for his Saturday analysis challenging the need for a police helicopter (we agree with his argument on that 100 percent).

But, uh, did he use it a little too closely?

Bruce Owen (Boots on ground better than helicopters in air, Winnipeg Free Press, Dec. 12, 2009)
"Police and justice officials feared that by going after car thieves, and by Manitoba Public Insurance bringing in a mandatory car ignition immobilizer program, there would be an increase in carjacking and in crimes such as break and enter and robbery.
That hasn't happened. Police say there have been virtually no carjackings in Winnipeg and rates of break and enter, robbery and theft from autos have declined over the past two years."

WATSS award submission, 2009
Displacement or Diffusion of Benefits?
""There were concerns that if WATSS was successful in reducing vehicle theft there would be an increase in carjackings and in crimes such as break and enter and robbery.
However, there have been virtually no carjackings in Winnipeg and rates of break and enter, robbery, and theft from auto have declined over the past 2 years."

Wednesday, December 02, 2009

Premier Greg Selinger to Hydro Whistleblower: You're Wrong

The first day of the December rump session of the Legislature turned out to be an unexpected day of revelations.

Hugh McFadyen revealed why he is the worst Opposition leader in living memory and why he's no threat to the NDP government with or without Gary Doer.

And unelected Premier Greg Selinger revealed why the NDP's "historic" Whistleblower legislation is--- and will continue to be--- a farce.

McFadyen went on the attack from the start, and promptly fell flat on his face.

Why, he asked the Premier, was there no mention of Manitoba Hydro in the Throne Speech, "when Manitobans are seeing their rates go up by 9 percent over two years with the prospect of severe rate hikes into the future."

Hon. Greg Selinger (Premier): "The member from Fort Whyte first makes a comment about the rates. Let's remember it was him-it was he that, in the last election, promised to increase rates to full market value and stick it to every single Manitoban with a 40 percent increase in rates, and he still-and he still has never apologized to the people of Manitoba for that dramatic rate increase."

Selinger 1, McFadyen 0.

Why, persisted McFadyen, didn't Selinger, as minister responsible for Hydro, try to get to the bottom of a risk-management consultant's concerns about Hydro when he first heard of them in 2007 instead of waiting for her to file a whistleblower complaint which only became public knowledge in 2009?

"I wanna ask the Premier: Why did he drop the ball so badly in first asking the provincial Auditor to look into this issue when he was well aware that the Auditor was in no position to do so?"

Tossed a soft ball, Selinger hit it out of the stadium.

Hon. Greg Selinger (Premier):"The Auditor-the Auditor General was requested by the Ombudsman to undertake this investigation. The independent officer of the legislation-of the Legislature was seized of this matter and asked for the assistance of the Auditor General. That is how the facts unfolded."

"The member opposite knows that. The member opposite, if he has any civility at all, would simply get up and apologize for his error of fact and his misconstruction of the facts."

But McFadyen, demonstrating he hadn't even bothered to read the Act before opening his mouth to stuff his foot in, wouldn't shut up.

Mr. McFadyen: "Mr. Speaker, the fact is that it was he and his minister who put out a news release in response to the whistle-blower's allegation, calling on the provincial auditor to do the special audit. She's come to the right conclusion, that she's not in a position to deal with the sensitive issues raised by the whistle-blower and raised by the government. They're the ones who put her into that position."

If he had taken the time to read the Legislation he would know that Selinger was 100 percent right.

The complaint was filed, as required by the law, with the Ombudsman.

It was Ombudsman Irene Hamilton who sat on it for three months and then turned it over to Auditor General Carol Bellringer. Bellringer then tucked the complaint under a carpet for another 9 months before returning it to the Ombudsman. The government asked for a speedy audit after Bellringer had already dithered for 8 months.

If McFadyen was less obsequious to Bellringer, he would have known it was her fault, and her's alone, that she was "not in a position to deal with the sensistive issues raised by the whistleblower."

Bellringer's conflict of interest in handling the complaint against Hydro was known almost immediately, yet she insisted for 9 months that it didn't matter that she had sat on Hydro's board of directors at the same time that the consultant was doing her risk analysis.

She only changed her tune when The Black Rod exposed the fact that Bellringer had never broken her connection with Hydro and had been sending a representative to Hydro board meetings from the moment of her appointment as the "independent" provincial auditor.

Selinger 2, McFadyen 0

The Winnipeg Free Press reported Tuesday that Ombudsman Irene Hamilton has no clue how to address the first whistleblower complaint ever filed under the province's Public Disclosure Act.

The newspaper says she "met Monday with MLAs on the legislature's management committee to get guidance on how her review should be conducted."

So what exactly did she do as the complaint sat on her desk for the first three months? If this isn't a classic example of bureaucratic incompetence, what is? She not only did nothing for 3 months, but apparently didn't even know "the scope" of what she was supposed to do.

It's no wonder then that, seized with enforcing the legislation, she sat on her ass for the next 9 months as the Auditor General ignored the complaint, even to the point of telling the CBC she was under no deadline to complete any investigation. None, except for Section 20.2 of the Act which read: 20(2) An investigation is to be conducted as informally and expeditiously as possible.

Which raises the question, what did Hugh McFadyen's favourite bureaucrat do for 9 months?

Apparently, it wasn't defining the scope of the review and determining what outside expertise is needed. The Ombudsman is now going to spend ANOTHER FOUR MONTHS
to decide what exactly she should be doing.

Here's a hint: start with the declaration by the Opposition Leader in the Legislature Tuesday decrying " the treatment of this whistle-blower who has-who has had a campaign of smear and disinformation brought under the watch of this government."

Why aren't both of these government "watchdogs" brought before the Legislature to explain their incompetence? It's obvious that both of them breached the act by not acting "as expeditiously as possible" and a year after the complaint was filed neither of them knows what she should have been doing in the first place.

Greg Selinger revealed why.

According to the unelected Premier, who, as Hydro minister has been hearing Hydro's side of the case behind closed doors for 2 years, the whistleblower's complaint is baseless.

Yes, folks, the government has prejudged the complaint even before a single interview has been conducted, or a single document has been examined.

Here's how Selinger put it in the Legislature:

"Because it's an allegation doesn't necessarily mean it's accurate. It doesn't necessarily mean it's true. It means they have a right to have it investigated, and during that procedure they have the right to be protected, and that's exactly what's gone on here. The member opposite, he would like to move from allegations to confirm them as points of fact. The reality is there have been other independent reviews of the stability and the solidness, financially, of Manitoba Hydro, and they have come back with very solid results, that Manitoba Hydro is in excellent shape. "

It's no wonder then that Carol Bellringer was cocky enough to ignore the provisions of the Act requiring all complaints to be handled as expeditiously as possible. She understood full well that that was just window dressing, and that her political masters had already dismissed the conclusions of the Hydro consultant in advance.

Selinger, you have to understand, is the dirtiest politician in the Legislature. He's splattered with mud from the worst scandals to be exposed involving the NDP.

* When the NDP got caught for fraudulently claiming $75,000 in election rebates for the 1999 provincial election, Selinger figured charges would be laid for sure. He went running to the executive demanding a letter exonerating him from any blame. The NDP's new best friend, Elections Manitoba chairman Richard Balasko stalled the investigation until he could get rid of the auditor who uncovered the fraud, charged only Conservative candidates for election misspending, and did his best to cover up the NDP's offence.

Selinger, assured no charges would be laid, kept the secret for five years and now says it was just a simple misunderstanding.

* In 2007 we reported on the Selinger Memo, which, we wrote, " is clear evidence that the NDP conspired with the Crocus Investment Fund to hide the fund's liquidity problems from future investors even to the extent of letting them run a Ponzi scheme."
http://blackrod.blogspot.com/2007/03/bellringer-fails-to-bridge-selingers.html

Crocus was supposedly under the eye of the ministry of Industry and Economic Development. But when Crocus reps outlined their vision for the next 10 to 15 years, IEDM officials declared there were issues of policy and practicality that had to be addressed first.

Fuggedaboutit, said the Crocus people. The plans "had already been cleared by those in higher authority"

Guess who.

Leaked cabinet documents, including the Selinger Memo, showed that Crocus had a back channel into cabinet directly to then-Finance Minister Greg Selinger, bypassing the alleged legal oversight of the Industry Minister.

That fact was kept from the public and provincial auditor Jon Singleton who, in the first diversionary use of public servants to take the heat off the NDP, was assigned to conduct an examination of how well the Industry Ministry supervised Crocus.

The NDP wasn't pleased with Singleton's Crocus report, so after he retired, they put in their own auditor who was sure to be more amenable to the government.

* Carol Bellringer's first job for the NDP was to take the heat off Education Minister Peter Bjornson who became enmeshed in the O'Learygate scandal when he lied to a whistleblower.
http://blackrod.blogspot.com/2005/06/black-rod-exclusive-seven-oaks-land.html

Bellringer issued a report that said that the Seven Oaks School Division lost $300,000 on an prohibited land development, but that if they claimed they would eventually, sometime in the untold future, sell the land they already owned to themselves for $800,000, they could show a profit on the books today and get her okay.

* With more heat on the NDP, especially the finance minster, over the enormous risks Manitoba Hydro is taking with its $16 billion plans for expansion, who did they call to the rescue? Yes indeed, step right up Carol Bellringer.

First she pulled the rug from under the Public Utilities Board which has been trying for more than a year now to get Hydro to show them their risk analyses. Bellringer said she was going to do a report on Hydro's risk, by coincidence, and it would take her 18 months at least. So the PUB shouldn't hold their breaths for those reports.

And when it was revealed that the Hydro whistleblower's complaint had been in the auditor's hands for months, Bellringer said she was just wrapping it into her other risk study. So the whistleblower shouldn't hold her breath for a speedy investigation of her complaints.

And then we put too much heat on Bellringer and she fled the kitchen, leaving Selinger claiming credit, as the previous minister of the Civil Service Commission, for bringing in the very Whistleblower Act which he's working hard to undermine.

At least now the public knows they've got a clear choice in the next election: the dirtiest politician or the dumbest politician.

Who will do that risk analysis on that?

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Monday, November 30, 2009

Climategate melts the credibility of the Winnipeg Free Press

How should a newspaper play the biggest story of the year?

Once upon a time that was a no-brainer. Page One was the only answer possible.

Today is not that time.

The no-brainers who work at the Winnipeg Free Press have decided that the biggest story of the year should be run on the second-last page of the third section of the Saturday paper.

Reporting news, it seems, is not part of the job description of today's "professional journalists."

"Stolen e-mails suggest scientists rigged climate data." blares the headline.
"Revelation challenges accuracy of computer-modelling research" declares the sub-head.

It seems a computer hacker has posted on the Internet hundreds of e-mails and internal "research" documents from England's Climate Research Unit (CRU). The story they tell is comparable in impact to the exposure of the Pentagon Papers in the Nixon years.

"The e-mail exchanges, between a group of powerful, life-minded scientists based in Britain and the U.S., written over the past 13 years, suggest they may have rigged their data, suppressed contrary information and conspired to control what should be an independent peer review process surrounding the publication of their scientific papers." wrote Richard Foot for Canwest News Service.

Oh, is that all?

You mean that the "settled science" that proves mankind is responsible for the global warming that's going to destroy the world is bogus? And that the skeptics who have been villified for the past decade are vindicated?

Frank J. Tipler is Professor of Mathematical Physics at Tulane University, and one of the skeptics.

"The now non-secret data prove what many of us had only strongly suspected - that most of the evidence of global warming was simply made up. That is, not only are the global warming computer models unreliable, the experimental data upon which these models are built are also unreliable. As Lord Monckton has emphasized.... this deliberate destruction of data and the making up of data out of whole cloth is the real crime - the real story of Climategate."

"It is an act of treason against science. It is also an act of treason against humanity, since it has been used to justify an attempt to destroy the world economy."
http://pajamasmedia.com/blog/climategate-the-skeptical-scientist%E2%80%99s-view/


Noooooo, say the defenders of the lies.

John Bennett, executive director of the Sierra Club of Canada, said the emails have been "taken out of context" and the scientists were speaking in their own "high-level code" that cannot be understood by mere mortals. The emails were written "in the heat of the moment," declared Phil Jones, director of the CRU, and surely you don't think they represent what the scientists really thought.

You mean like when they discuss inventing data that doesn't exist and destroying data that does exist.

Or when they talk about the best way to damage the reputations of scientists who disagree with them.

That sort of stuff, eh, Jonesy?

Climategate broke ten days ago.
On the Internet.
It's been the burning topic on websites for a week and a half.

Yet the mainstream media has barely mentioned it. CBC hasn't yet.

Can you ask for greater proof of the gulf between events in the real world and the manipulated coverage that passes as news in the mainstream media? Who do you trust to bring you the news first---your daily "news"paper or your favorite blogger *?

We can't say it better than Alan, a poster on the CBC-watch website theteamakers.com:

Next to being inaccurate and unreliable, the worst thing that can happen to any news outlet, large or small, is to become irrelevant?
News Rehab http://www.theteamakers.com/2009/11/18/news-rehab/


The Winnipeg Free Press is three for three.

* The best and most comprehensive coverage of Climategate has been by Kate McMillan at www.smalldeadanimals.com, such as todays entry
http://www.smalldeadanimals.com/archives/012763.html

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